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Ethnic enclave - Wikipedia

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1History

2Theories

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2.1Enclave economy hypothesis

2.2Cumulative causation

3Modes of incorporation

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3.1Social

3.1.1Quality of kinship networks

3.1.2Ethnic identity

3.1.3Enclave networks

3.2Economic

3.3Political and civic involvement

4Ethnic enclave debate

5Ethnic enclaves in the United States

6Historical ethnic enclaves

7See also

8References

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Geographical spot with high concentration of certain ethnic groups

Ethnic enclavesBinondo, Manila, the world’s oldest Chinatown,[1] is an example of an ethnic enclave.

In sociology, an ethnic enclave is a geographic area with high ethnic concentration, characteristic cultural identity, and economic activity.[2] The term is usually used to refer to either a residential area or a workspace with a high concentration of ethnic firms.[3] Their success and growth depends on self-sufficiency, and is coupled with economic prosperity.

Douglas Massey describes how migrant networks provide new immigrants with social capital that can be transferred to other tangible forms.[4] As immigrants tend to cluster in close geographic spaces, they develop migrant networks—systems of interpersonal relations through which participants can exchange valuable resources and knowledge. Immigrants can capitalize on social interactions by transforming information into tangible resources, and thereby lower costs of migration. Information exchanged may include knowledge of employment opportunities, affordable housing, government assistance programs and helpful NGOs.[5] Thus by stimulating social connections, ethnic enclaves generate a pool of intangible resources that help to promote the social and economic development of its members.[5]

By providing a space for people who share the same ethnic identity to create potentially beneficial relations, ethnic enclaves assist members in achieving economic mobility. Enclaves create an alternative labor market that is ethnic-specific and does not demand social and cultural skills of the host country. By eliminating language and cultural barriers, enclave economies employ a greater proportion of co-ethnics and speed the incorporation of new immigrants into a bustling economy. By increasing employment opportunities and facilitating upward mobility, studying ethnic enclaves helps to explain the success of some immigrant groups.[3] Additionally, while the ethnic enclave theory was developed to explain immigrant incorporation into the receiving society, it has also been linked to migration processes at large as successful incorporation of immigrants has the potential to lower migration costs for future immigrants, an example of chain migration.

Despite their immediate benefits, the long-term implications of participation in an ethnic enclave are a topic of debate. Enclave economies have been linked to a glass ceiling limiting immigrant growth and upward mobility. While participation in the enclave economy may assist in achieving upward mobility through increased availability of employment opportunities in the enclave labor market, it may also impede acquisition of host country skills that benefit the immigrant over the long-run.[6] Such delays constrain immigrants to activity within the enclave and secludes them from the larger economy. Opportunities available to mainstream society can thus be out of reach for immigrants who haven't learned about them. Thus, the accelerated path toward economic mobility that lures new immigrants into enclave economies may impede success. Integration into an ethnic enclave may delay and even halt cultural assimilation, preventing the immigrants from benefiting from mainstream institutions.[7]

History[edit]

New York City is home to the largest overseas Chinese population of any city proper in the Western Hemisphere, with over half a million. Multiple large Chinatowns in Manhattan, Brooklyn (above), and Queens are thriving as traditionally urban ethnic enclaves, as large-scale Chinese immigration continues into New York,[8][9][10][11] with the largest metropolitan Chinese population outside Asia.[12]

Broad Avenue, Koreatown in Palisades Park, New Jersey, United States,[13] where Koreans comprise the majority (52%) of the population.[14]

India Square in Jersey City, New Jersey, one of 24 Indian ethnic enclaves in the New York City Metropolitan Area.

Ethnic enclaves have been prominent urban features for centuries. Examples include a new Armenian one near Beirut, an old one in Bucharest,[15] and an even older Armenian Quarter in Jerusalem.[16] Urban quarters have often belonged mainly to residents having a particular sectarian or ethnic origin.

Historically, the formation of ethnic enclaves has been the result of a variety of socioeconomic factors that draw immigrants to similar spaces in the receiving city, state, or country. Cultural diversity brings together people who don't understand each other's language but a group can communicate more easily with neighbors in an enclave. In some cases, enclaves have been enforced by law, as in a ghetto. Roman colonies were established to control newly conquered provinces, and grew to absorb the surrounding territory. Some enclaves were established when a governing authority permitted a group to establish their own new town, as in the English town of Gravesend, Brooklyn in 1645.

The lack of access to economic capital and of knowledge regarding residential neighborhoods can constrain newly arrived immigrants to regions of affordable housing. Social dynamics such as prejudice and racism may concentrate co-ethnics into regions displaying ethnic similarity. Housing discrimination may also prevent ethnic minorities from settling into a particular residential area outside the enclave. When discussing the ethnic enclave as defined by a spatial cluster of businesses, success and growth can be largely predicted by three factors. These factors include 1) the size and population of the enclave 2) the level of entrepreneurial skills of those in the enclave and 3) the availability of capital resources to the enclave. Successful enclaves can reach a point where they become self-sufficient, or "institutionally complete" through the supply of new immigrants and demand of goods offered in the market. They only reach this point after first supplying for the needs of co-ethnics and then expanding to meet needs of those in the larger market of the host society.[17]

The term "ethnic enclave" arose in response to a publication by Alejandro Portes and Kenneth Wilson in 1980.[18] Portes and Wilson identified a third labor market in which Cuban immigrants in Miami took part. Instead of entering the secondary labor market of the host society, Portes and Wilson discovered that new immigrants tended to become employed by co-ethnics running immigrant-owned firms. The collection of small immigrant enterprises providing employment to new immigrants was defined as the enclave economy.[19]

Theories[edit]

Enclave economy hypothesis[edit]

Observations of the Cuban ethnic enclave economy in Miami led Alejandro Portes and Kenneth Wilson to conclude that participation in an enclave economy provided immigrants with an alternative, speedy option to achieve economic mobility in a host society. The discourse pioneered by Portes and Wilson produced the construct for a body of literature that came to be known by the ethnic enclave hypothesis. While never empirically defined, the term "ethnic enclave" began to be widely used to represent two distinct definitions: that of an enclave economy and that of a residential area of high co-ethnic concentration.[3] The most fundamental concept within the enclave hypothesis is that of social capital, which lays the foundation for the establishment of migrant networks and the advantages associated with them.[5]

Cumulative causation[edit]

See also: Chain migration

With the rise in globalization and ease of international transportation, patterns of immigration show the role of ethnic enclaves for contributing to increased migration over time. New immigrants unintentionally lower costs for future immigration of co-ethnics by pooling together resources for themselves. Thus, by achieving mobility in the receiving country themselves, immigrants create a social structure that makes it easier for future immigrants to become upwardly mobile. According to Douglas Massey, "Networks build into the migration process a self-perpetuating momentum that leads to its growth over time, in spite of fluctuating wage differentials, recessions, and increasingly restrictive immigration policies."[4]

Ethnic enclaves thus contribute to continued immigration by providing co-ethnics with a space to make connections that ultimately lower migration costs and promote economic mobility. Many worn path taken by former immigrants are made accessible to enclave members, making immigration easier to future generations. By generating further immigration, migration leads to its own cumulative causation over time.

Modes of incorporation[edit]

An approach that analyzes ethnic enclaves and their members by their modes of incorporation is preferred to a neoclassical model, which states that the economic success of immigrants depends on the education, work experience, and other elements of human capital that they possess.[17] Sociologists have concluded that these factors do not suffice in explaining the integration and success of immigrants measured by occupational mobility and earnings.

Social[edit]

Upon arrival to a foreign country, immigrants face challenges in assimilation and integration processes and thus experience different modes and levels of incorporation within the host society. Many factors influence the level of ease or challenge experienced by immigrants as they make the transition and undergo physical, social, and psychological challenges. The segmented assimilation model notes that there can exist a "consciously pluralistic society in which a variety of subcultures and racial and ethnic identities coexist" [20][21]

One influential factor in an immigrant's journey is the presence of relatives or friends in the receiving country. Friends and family, making up a kinship network, who are willing to help the newcomers can be classified as a type of capital commonly referred to as social capital. Upon arrival, many immigrants have limited or no access to human capital and thus rely heavily on any available source of social capital.[17] The cost to immigration is large, however this burden can be shared and thus eased through an immigrant's access to social capital in the receiving country. Kinship networks in the receiving country can provide aid not only for the physical and economic needs of immigrants, but also for their emotional and socio-psychological needs.[22]

Quality of kinship networks[edit]

Access to social capital does not guarantee ease or success for the migrant. Because social capital is rooted in relationships it easily lends itself to conflict and disagreement between parties.[22] The level of economic stability on the side of the receiving party can dictate the level of aid they are willing or able to offer. In addition, the economic condition of the country and the availability of jobs open to the immigrants can largely affect the quality of the support network available to the migrant. If the receiving country provides favorable conditions such as access to social programs, the local economy, and employment opportunities, the network is likely to be of much higher quality. Adversely, kinship networks may break down if much stress is placed on the relationships involved due to economic hardships. The duration and intensity of aid needed can dictate the quality of the kinship network available to the immigrant. Immigrant ideas regarding level of support to be received are often high and left unmet if true economic conditions do not allow for favorable network conditions.[22] Shared norms and relational ties can also lead to obligatory ties which some scholars, such as Tsang and Inkpen, argue restricts an individual's willingness to explore opportunities outside the network.[23]

Ethnic identity[edit]

Methods of assimilation and access to social capital vary between and even within ethnic groups. A variety of factors can influence individuals' ethnic identities including their social class background and the social networks available to them. As theorized by sociologist Mary C. Waters, the involvement level of parents in ethnic organizations or activities heavily influences the development of their children's ethnic identities. This is important to note as second-generation immigrants must actively work to identify themselves with their ethnic group.[20]

Enclave networks[edit]

Enclave networks offer access to a unique type of social capital and act as large kinship networks. Within enclave networks, social capital commonly exists both as a private and public good.[23] Though there is some debate in relation to the long-term benefits offered by these networks, the short-term benefits are universally acknowledged. The socio-psychological challenges faced by the immigrant can be largely reduced through the individual's entrance into an ethnic enclave. Ethnic enclaves can resemble the immigrant's place of origin through physical look, layout, and language employed both written and orally.[17] In addition to increasing the cultural comfort of the migrant, healthy ethnic enclaves offer solidarity and trust among members, and informal training systems within the workplace. The geographic proximity of the enclave network allows for easy flow of knowledge and varying types of assistance between firms as well. Where there is an atmosphere of trust in ethnic enclaves, this transfer of knowledge and sharing of social capital exists as an asset to the firms.[23] Connections with members in an enclave may also afford the newcomer work opportunities. Immigrants may also receive informal training regarding the customs and practices of the larger culture outside the enclave and help navigating challenges in many areas of everyday life.[17] Social hostility may be a challenge faced by immigrants in their host society, therefore to avoid this factor, ethnic enclaves provide a haven where economic success may still be achieved.[7]

Economic[edit]

Ethnic enclave economies are predicated upon aspects of economic sociology and the sociology of immigration. Ethnic Enclaves generate a pool of social capital through which members can access resources that lower the costs of migration. Enclave membership provides economic assistance such as job opportunities and small businesses loans. Small ethnic firms within the enclave provide new immigrants with immediate access to economic opportunities by subverting the secondary sector of the economy and creating numerous low-wage jobs that are easily accessed by members.[17][24]

The ethno-centric nature of businesses and firms provides easy integration into enclave economies. Goods and services tend to be offered in the ethnic group's language, while social and cultural norms specific to the host country are not required of employees in the enclave economy. Thus, the ethno-specific nature of enclave economies makes them attractive to new immigrants who are otherwise unable integrate into the mainstream economy.

Ethnic enclave economies also provide a method for immigrants who enter at lower wage jobs to rise to the status community entrepreneurs own firms within the community. While benefiting from the higher wages that owning a business provides them, these established immigrants continue the cycle of providing attractive (albeit lower income) labor to newcomers within the framework of the ethnic enclave.[25] The ethnic enclave economy allows for a measure of independence for immigrants by creating a path for them to own businesses.[26] Ethnic enclave economies also have the effect of raising the hourly wages of workers within the enclave.[27]

An individual's entrance into the enclave economy is dependent upon the conditions of incorporation they experience. Unfavorable modes of incorporation into the host society provide incentives for immigrants to enter the informal economy. Discrimination, hostility, and a lack of resources may encourage immigrants to enter into informal employment.[17] Ethnic enclaves are rich in informal activities, as the entrepreneurial services making the core of the enclave's founding were historically informal ventures. Informality proves favorable for many immigrant entrepreneurs by bypass regulatory expenses. Additionally, the scope of employment for immigrants is greatly widened by the availability of informal jobs in the enclave economic sector. The informality of the enclave economy simultaneously induces risk and fraud. Informal activities are constantly under risk of detection by the formal sector, which has a negative effect on job security. Furthermore, due to the absence of legal framework, immigrant laborers often remain silent about various forms of exploitation. The most common form of labor exploitation in immigrant economies is unpaid labor. Undocumented immigrants are especially afraid to report violations of labor laws and exploitation.[28]

Political and civic involvement[edit]

Government policy toward immigrants is the first mode of reception to the receiving country.[3] Governments generally enforce measures to reduce the amount of "unwanted" immigrants which may potentially pose a burden on the receiving society and economy.[29]

The granting of different statuses and visas (i.e. refugee, temporary visas for students and workers) to immigrant groups affects the type of reception immigrants will receive. Aside from immigration control policies, some governments also impose measures to accelerate social and political incorporation of new immigrants, and to stimulate economic mobility.

Wayne Cornelius studies two central theses regarding institutional response to increased movement of people across transnational borders. The first of these is the gap hypothesis which describes the dissonance between official immigration policies and real policy outcomes. Policy gaps are the result of unintended consequences and inadequate enforcement by the receiving society. Many reasons can explain unintended consequences of immigration policy. Governments with undefined or ambiguous stances toward immigration may propagate unintended consequences, and the reliance on flawed policies can further reduce the efficacy of institutional measures. Furthermore, political incoherency policy poses a greater challenge for the incorporation and enforcement of effective measures.

A negative public opinion toward immigrants is a good measure of significant policy gaps in the receiving government; however, special interest groups may also constrain political responses to immigration. This is especially true in liberal democracies, where "lobbying by powerful employer groups, religious groups, ethnic and immigrant advocacy groups, and even labor unions leads governments to adopt more expansionary immigration policies, even when the economy goes bad and general public opinion turns hostile to immigrants."[30] Furthermore, governments and special groups in the immigrant-sending country may align themselves with pro-immigration lobbyists in the receiving country. Thus, the policymaking process is complicated by involvement of multiple factions.

The second thesis studied by Wayne Cornelius is the convergence hypothesis, which describes the growing similarity of political responses to immigration among immigrant-receiving countries. These similarities fall into: "(1) the policies that their governments have adopted to control immigration; (2) policies designed to integrate immigrants into host societies by providing them with social services as well as political, economic, and social rights; and (3) attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy preferences among general publics."[31]

Ethnic groups receive various levels of reception by the host society for various reasons. In general, European immigrants tend to encounter little resistance by host countries, while tenets of racism are evinced by widespread resistance to immigrants of color.[17]

Political incorporation into the host country is coupled with adoption of citizenship of the host country. By studying the diverging trajectories of immigrant citizenship in Canada and the U.S., Irene Bloemraad explains that current models of citizenship acquisition fail to recognize the social nature of political incorporation. Bloemraad describes political incorporation as a "social process of mobilization by friends, family, community organizations and local leaders that is embedded in an institutional context shaped by government policies of diversity and newcomer settlement."[32] This alternative model emphasizes the role of migrant networks in critically shaping how immigrants consider citizenship. Bloemraad shows that friends, family, co-ethnic organizations and local community affect political incorporation by providing a structured mobilization framework. This social structure is most essential for immigrants who face language barriers and may lack familiarity with host institutions.

The extent to which migrant networks promote citizenship depends on the efficacy of government policies on immigrant integration. Governments adopting policies that facilitate the emergence, integration and growth of ethnic economies are presumed to gain support by co-ethnics. Thus, the movement toward political incorporation and citizenship is nested in a larger institutional structure involving economic and social integration policy as these relate to immigrants.[32]

Ethnic enclaves have the ability to simultaneously assist in political and civic incorporation of immigrants. By providing a space that facilitates upward mobility and economic integration into the receiving society, enclaves and their members fundamentally influence the perceptions of receiving institutions by co-ethnics. Finally, enclaves may gauge community interest in naturalization and direct immigrants through the process to gaining citizenship

Ethnic enclave debate[edit]

Ethnic enclaves have prompted debate among scholars in two related areas of thought. Both areas discuss the role ethnic enclaves play by either offering aid or hindering the economic and social well-being of the enclave's members. One area of thought discusses the role of enclaves in assimilative patterns and upward mobility while the second area of thought argues the economic ramifications associated with membership within ethnic enclaves.

The immediate economic and social advantages associated with membership in an ethnic enclave are undisputed by scholars, however the long-term consequences remain an area of uncertainty. The role these networks play remains uncertain due to the fact that ethnic enclaves allow immigrants to function successfully within the host society without a significant amount of adjustment either culturally or linguistically. As such, they can either help or hinder naturalization within the host country. The relatively low levels of skill required allow immigrants to achieve financial stability which can in turn encourage eventual naturalization and assimilation. Adversely, this same factor can afford enclave members the opportunity to remain considerably segregated and secluded from the host society. As such, members may circumvent the need to acquire skills necessary for life in the larger host society such as knowledge of cultural norms and language.[33]

The debate regarding the economic viability of ethnic enclaves revolves around the enclave-economy hypothesis. The hypothesis as written by Wilson and Portes formulates the idea that "[i]mmigrant workers are not restricted to the secondary labor market." They instead argue that "those inserted into an immigrant enclave can be empirically distinguished from workers in both the primary and secondary labor markets. Enclave workers will share with those in the primary sector a significant economic return past human capital investments" something those who enter the secondary labor market are not able to enjoy.[7][34]

Thus, they assert the enclave economy is not a mobility trap as some would term it, but an alternate mode of incorporation.

In their argument formulated to disprove the enclave economy hypothesis, Sanders and Nee state the need for a distinction between "immigrant-bosses" and "immigrant-workers" as the economic benefits differ along this distinction.[35] They also call for the investigation of economic opportunities available to those in the enclave, believing them to be lesser in quality and supply. Sanders and Nee also assert the idea that segregation and forced entrance of immigrant-workers into low paying jobs is actually aggravated by the existence of ethnic enclaves. Due to these objections, they call for the revision of Portes and Wilson's hypothesis to include an acknowledgement and outline of the entrepreneur/worker economic benefit distinction.

In reaction to Sanders and Nee, Portes and Jensen make the clarification that those in ethnic enclaves need not be wealthier than those who left the enclave for the hypothesis to be supported. They instead assert that this will usually not be the case as the constant entrance of new immigrants into the enclave will actually be somewhat burdensome on the economy; a factor which does not actually represent disadvantage when compared with the other advantages provided.[3] Additionally, Portes and Jensen outline three different conditions to be fulfilled in order to disprove their hypothesis. The first of these conditions requires the demonstration that ethnic entrepreneurship is a mobility trap leading to lower earnings than the immigrant's worth in human capital. The second condition requires data proving the work within the enclave to be exploitative, and the third condition requires data showing employment within the enclave leads to a 'dead end' and offers no chance of upward mobility.[3] They acknowledge that the fulfillment of these three requirements is difficult as there is little data available to accurately test them.

Jennifer Lee adds to the discussion noting the particular niches and types of business immigrant groups enter. She notes that it is most common for immigrants to participate in long hours of physically demanding work in the retail industry. The retail market is a viable option due to the relatively low startup costs and knowledge of the host country's language required. Different niches have different levels of communication, for example the retail and self-service niche, (fruit and vegetable markets, take out restaurants) typically require the lowest level of customer interaction and communication. Lee notes the embeddedness of ethnic enclaves and brings the thought that such practices are good for those within the enclave but harmful to certain groups outside them.[36] She also notes the adverse effects patterns of ethnic embeddedness can have on surrounding ethnic groups by noting the difficulty other groups face in joining the network. She argues that this type of retail niche domination can have positive consequences for co-ethnics, as Portes and Wilson believe, however can also have negative effects on surrounding ethnic groups who face exclusion due solely to their ethnic dissimilarity from the network.[36]

Ethnic enclaves in the United States[edit]

Main article: Immigration to the United States

Immigration to the United States has occurred in waves that demonstrate the predominance of certain sets of ethnic minorities. As immigrants tended to cluster in certain cities and states, separate waves were responsible for the establishment of ethnic enclaves in separate physical spaces. The best-known ethnic enclaves in American cities began to appear with the arrival of large numbers of Irish immigrants during the first third of the nineteenth century and continued forming throughout that century and the twentieth as successive waves of immigrants arrived in the United States.[37] In the early 20th century, immigrants chose to live in enclave neighborhoods because of language barriers and cost-of-living benefits. Sociologists Robert Park and Edward Burgess integrated a model that studied these patterns in the 1920s. This model showcased how immigrants who arrived in the U.S. in the early 20th century were drawn to urban enclave neighborhoods as they opened up opportunities for social networking and employment. [38]

In 1998, nearly three quarters of all immigrants in the United States lived in California, New York, Texas, Florida, New Jersey or Illinois.[39] Housing discrimination remains a factor in the persistence of racial enclaves in American cities.[40][41] However, more recent patterns of migration, such as chain migration, challenge traditional methods of enclaves establishment.

A 2023 study found that 43% of the foreign-born population in the United States lived in ethnic neighborhoods in 1970. By 2010, this had risen to 67%. Ethnic neighborhoods tend to have lower average incomes and housing values, as well as more rental housing and more inhabitants that commute without a car.[42]

Most ethnic neighborhoods in the United States disappear within a decade or two, as immigrants gain language abilities, cultural skills, and resources and subsequently move elsewhere.[42]

Historical ethnic enclaves[edit]

Ethnic enclaves have become commonplace in modern times, with the increase in the geographic mobility of humankind. However, they have also arisen in historical times, for various reasons. The village of Schandorf, now in Austria, was for centuries a Croatian ethnic enclave, surrounded by areas of Austrian and Hungarian ethnicity. The enclave originated around 1543 when the Hungarian magnate Batthyany sought to repopulate lands that had been emptied by devastating Turkish attacks; he invited Croatian settlers.[43] The town of Alghero in Sardinia still marginally preserves a Catalan ethnic enclave; this dates from a military conquest of the town by Catalans in the 14th century.[44] Ethnic enclaves also arose when a people remained in its original territory but came to be surrounded by a far more numerous majority, as in the case of Vepsians and Russians.

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Ethnic enclaves.

See also[edit]

List of ethnic enclaves in North American cities

List of ethnic enclaves in Philippine cities

Ethnoburb

Ghetto

Language island

References[edit]

^ Prime Sarmiento (May 21, 2018). "Exploring world's 'oldest' Chinatown". China Daily. Retrieved October 12, 2022.

^ Abrahamson, Mark . "Urban Enclaves: Identity and Place in America." Review by: David M. Hummon. Contemporary Sociology. American Sociological Association. Vol. 25 No. 6 (Nov. 1996): pp. 781-782.

^ a b c d e f Portes, Alejandro, and Leif Jensen. "Disproving the Enclave Hypothesis: Reply." American Sociological Review. Vol. 57. no. 3 (1992): 418-420.

^ a b Massey, Douglas S. (1990). The Social and Economic Origins of Immigration. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 510(1), 60–72. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716290510001005: pp. 60.

^ a b c Massey, Douglas S. "Why Does Immigration Occur? A Theoretical Synthesis." The Handbook of International Migration: The American Experience, Charles Hirschman, Philip Kasinitz, and Josh DeWind, editors. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1999.

^ Edin, Per-Anders, Peter Fredriksson, and Olof Aslund. "ETHNIC ENCLAVES AND THE ECONOMIC SUCCESS OF IMMIGRANTS—EVIDENCE FROM A NATURAL EXPERIMENT." The Quarterly Journal of Economics. no. 1 (2003): 329-357.

^ a b c Sanders, Jimy M. and Nee, Victor. "Limits of Ethnic Solidarity in the Enclave Economy." American Sociological Review. 52. no. 6 (1987): 745-773.

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^ Waldinger, Roger. "The Ethnic Enclave Debate Revisited."International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. 17. no. 3 (1993): 428-436.

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^ Waters, p. 799.

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^ a b c Inkpen, C. Andrew and Tsang, W. K. Eric. "Social Capital, Networks, and Knowledge Transfer" The Academy of Management Review. Vol 30. No. 1 (1992): 146-165.

^ Light, Ivan; Sabagh, Georges; Bozorgmehr, Mehdi; Der-Martirosian, Claudia (1994). "Beyond the Ethnic Enclave Economy". Social Problems. 41 (1): 65–80. doi:10.2307/3096842. ISSN 0037-7791. JSTOR 3096842.

^ Light, Ivan; Sabagh, Georges; Bozorgmehr, Mehdi; Der-Martirosian, Claudia (1994). "Beyond the Ethnic Enclave Economy". Social Problems. 41 (1): 65–80. doi:10.2307/3096842. ISSN 0037-7791. JSTOR 3096842.

^ Sanders, Jimy M.; Nee, Victor (1996). "Immigrant Self-Employment: The Family as Social Capital and the Value of Human Capital". American Sociological Review. 61 (2): 231–249. doi:10.2307/2096333. ISSN 0003-1224. JSTOR 2096333.

^ Damm, Anna Piil (2009). "Ethnic Enclaves and Immigrant Labor Market Outcomes: Quasi‐Experimental Evidence". Journal of Labor Economics. 27 (2): 281–314. doi:10.1086/599336. ISSN 0734-306X. JSTOR 10.1086/599336. S2CID 17521852.

^ Hondagneu-Sotelo, Pierrette. "Blowups and Other Unhappy Endings" in Global Woman: Nannies, Maids, and Sex Workers in the New Economy by Barbara Enrehnreich and Arlie Hochschild. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2002.

^ Cornelius, Wayne A. Controlling Immigration: A Global Perspective. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004. 3-42. Print.

^ Cornelius, p.11-12.

^ Cornelius, p.4.

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^ Sanders and Nee, pp. 745.

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^ Caves, R. W. (2004). Encyclopedia of the City. Routledge. p. 241.

^ Vigdor, Jacob L. (2009). From immigrants to Americans : the rise and fall of fitting in. Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. ISBN 978-1-4422-0138-5. OCLC 578648211.

^ Borjas, George J. Heaven's Door: Immigration Policy and the American Economy. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999. p.8-11.

^ The Racial Structuring of the Housing Market and Segregation in Suburban Areas Linda Brewster Stearns, John R. Logan Social Forces, Vol. 65, No. 1 (Sep., 1986), pp. 28–42

^ Stephen R Holloway (1998) Exploring the Neighborhood Contingency of Race Discrimination in Mortgage Lending in Columbus, Ohio Annals of the Association of American Geographers 88 (2), 252–276.

^ a b Dai, Tianran; Schiff, Nathan (2023-09-01). "The structure and growth of ethnic neighborhoods". Journal of Urban Economics. 137: 103570. doi:10.1016/j.jue.2023.103570. ISSN 0094-1190. S2CID 259281489.

^ See [1].

^ See [2].

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Ethnic Enclaves

IntroductionThe Formation and Study of Ethnic EnclavesMeasuring Ethnic Enclaves and EffectsEthnic Enclaves, Entrepreneurship, and Social MobilityComplexity in Enclave EconomiesEthnic Enclaves in Urban SociologyEthnic Enclaves and InequityEthnic Enclaves and Health

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Ethnic Enclaves

byMario Alberto Viveros Espinoza-Kulick, Maura Fennelly, Kevin Beck, Ernesto CastañedaLAST MODIFIED: 21 April 2021DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756384-0257

IntroductionEthnic enclaves have been defined in numerous ways. The word “ethnic” is often used to refer to a particular group with a shared nationality or cultural background. Enclaves sometimes refer to the concentration of ethnic groups within a geographic area. Academic inquiry of ethnic enclaves began with Kenneth Wilson and Alejandro Portes’s study of the “immigrant enclave” formed by Cubans in Miami, which they define as a concentration of ethnic businesses employing people from the same ethnic group. Researchers have tested, expanded, and modified the “enclave hypothesis”—ethnic concentration having a protective effect against a generally hostile climate facing immigrants and ethnic minorities. Depending on the author an enclave may refer to the geographic concentration of migrants and coethnics in a neighborhood; a place with social and economic structures that diverge from those in the surrounding area; or a concentration of economic activity, particularly businesses owned and staffed by members of a single ethnic group. In the strictest sense, ethnic enclaves are made up of a high concentration of an ethnic group within a geographic space, including a large number of business owners from that community. There have been examples throughout US history of ethnic enclaves, including Cubans in Miami, New York’s Chinatown, Japanese and Korean enclaves in California, and Jewish communities in Manhattan. There are also immigrant enclaves across the world. The protective effects of enclaves are largely related to the concentration of economic power to support social, cultural, and political development for immigrant communities committed to sustaining community life within the country where an enclave is formed. Many researchers have used a partial definition of ethnic enclaves only in terms of residential concentration. From this point of view, the existing evidence shows mixed effects for living in an enclave depending on the context, aspects of the enclave studied, and relative outcomes of interest. When applied and compared, the similarities between enclaves and other community formations, such as barrios and ghettos, become relevant. Segregation most frequently serves dominant groups who use isolation to disproportionately apportion resources and exploit marginalized workers. Yet, as Cathy Yang Liu has shown, a concentration of opportunities can lead to strong social and cultural networks within ethnic enclaves. Researchers using the concept of ethnic enclaves can benefit from considering the multilayered factors of immigration, ethnic difference, urban environments, economic systems, health, and power differentials between and among residents in ethnic enclave communities and beyond.The Formation and Study of Ethnic EnclavesSociologists have studied the geographic clustering of people and businesses since Park, et al. 1925 began mapping so-called “natural areas” in the early 20th century. Contemporary interest in ethnic enclaves dates back to the 1980s, when Wilson and Portes 1980 used the term to provide a theoretical explanation for how Cuban immigrants integrated into US economic institutions in Miami, Florida. Studies from this period hypothesized that enclaves create alternative pathways for economic integration that were not as dependent on the mainstream or majority society. Rather than finding jobs in the primary or secondary labor markets, as would be expected by theories of straight-line assimilation or a dual labor market, Portes and Manning 1986 argues that enclave enterprises provide coethnics with opportunities for economic mobility that were inaccessible elsewhere. Viewed in this way, ethnic enclaves may create pathways for social mobility that do not require migrants to adopt new cultural practices or move into neighborhoods where the ethnic majority predominates. This is the basis of what Wilson and Portes 1980 publication hypothesizes as enclave effects. Many conditions potentially generate ethnic enclaves. Portes and Rumbaut 2014 explains that ethnic enclaves may appear when groups of migrants are numerically large, when there is a concentration of capital, and when there is a large surplus of migrant labor. These conditions give rise to agglomerations of ethnic enterprises, which are competitive as a result of pools of cheap labor in cities and a number of ethnic buyers. Portes and Manning 1986 notes this within the key characteristics of ethnic enclaves, in addition to resilient cultural formations and organizations. Ethnic enclaves are also assumed to have high levels of social capital. Social capital has been defined in numerous ways, but in the context of enclaves, Portes 1998 defines social capital in terms of trust, embedded relationships, and support networks that make ethnic enterprises efficient and stable. As identified in Gold 2015 and other studies, examples of ethnic enclaves that possess many of these characteristics include Jewish communities in Manhattan in the mid-19th century, Japanese communities established on the West Coast of the United States in the late 19th century, Cuban communities in Miami after the Cuban Revolution, and Korean communities in Los Angeles that grew after the liberalization of US immigration policy in the late 1960s.Gold, Steven J. 2015. Ethnic enclaves. In Emerging trends in the social and behavioral sciences. Edited by R. A. Scott and S. M. Kosslyn, 1–18. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. The author focuses on Cubans in Miami, in addition to the existing research on New York Jews and Japanese and Koreans in California. Some of these examples show that enclaves increase social capital and protect against discrimination. However, geographic concentration can also suppress wages and limit access to quality schools, safe environments, and government support. The author suggests ethnic enclaves be compared to “‘ethnoburbs’ (ethnic suburbs)” (p. 10).Park, Robert E., Ernest W. Burgess, and Roderick D. McKenzie. 1925. The city: Suggestions for investigation of human behavior in the urban environment. Chicago: The Univ. of Chicago Press. This work is an antecedent to debates over ethnic enclaves. This book presents a theory of urban ecology and defines ethnic neighborhoods as groups with shared cultural affinities that live in geographically concentrated areas, who sometimes dominate particular sectors of the city’s economy. The authors refer to ethnic neighborhoods as “natural areas,” which may have distinct social organization. A new edition was published by University of Chicago Press in 2019 with a foreword by Robert J. Sampson.Portes, Alejandro. 1998. Social capital: Its origins and applications in modern sociology. Annual Review of Sociology 24:1–24.

DOI: 10.1146/annurev.soc.24.1.1Ethnic businesses operating in enclaves can access a variety of resources, including money and labor. Social capital in ethnic enclaves also facilitates economic mobility. Coethnics help each other find jobs, provide referrals, and teach each other skills. “Ethnic niches” are formed when migrants from one ethnic group come to dominate a particular employment sector such as restaurant work, garment industries, or fire and police departments.Portes, Alejandro, and Robert D. Manning. 1986. The immigrant enclave: Theory and empirical examples. In Competitive ethnic relations. Edited by Susan Olzak and Joane Nagel, 47–68. Orlando, FL: Academic Press. Ethnic enclaves are described as one mode of structural incorporation, providing a pathway for economic mobility that does not require migrants to adopt majority group cultural practices. Enclaves are characterized as places with large migrant populations that are geographically concentrated, with high participation in ethnic organizations and low knowledge of the receiving country’s language and institutions. One of the purposes of ethnic enclaves is to provide coethnics opportunities for economic advancement.Portes, Alejandro, and Rubén G. Rumbaut. 2014. Immigrant America: A portrait. 4th ed. Oakland: Univ. of California Press.

DOI: 10.1525/9780520959156Covers a wide range of topics including settlement patterns, social mobility, integration, language, and public policy. Enclaves are defined as places with a concentration of migrants possessing business expertise and places where migrants access capital and labor. The authors argue that enclaves can provide coethnics with opportunities for economic mobility because employer-employee relationships are not simply contractual but also based on social capital.Wilson, Kenneth L., and Alejandro Portes. 1980. Immigrant enclaves: An analysis of the labor market experiences of Cubans in Miami. American Journal of Sociology 86.2:295–319.

DOI: 10.1086/227240This article compares ethnic enclaves to the dual labor market theory. The authors define ethnic enclaves as places with vertically aligned firms that draw on coethnics for labor and capital. Migrants working in ethnic enclaves are more similar to the primary labor market than secondary. In future work Portes and Armony 2018 (cited under Ethnic Enclaves and Inequity) explains these findings in terms of a cohort effect among the early highly educated and capital-rich Cuban immigrants.

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A Dictionary of Human Geography

Alisdair Rogers, Noel Castree, and Rob Kitchin

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date: 14 March 2024ethnic enclave Source:A Dictionary of Human GeographyAuthor(s):Alisdair Rogers, Noel Castree, Rob KitchinA neighbourhood or larger territory whose *population is largely *ethnically distinguished from the surrounding area and its inhabitants. Examples include Chinatowns or Jewish quarters that are located in many Western cities, where the majority of residents share the same ethnic identity and the economic landscape is ethnically inflected, with ethnic food restaurants and other businesses....

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Frontiers | Ethnic Enclaves, Economic and Political Threat: An Investigation With the European Social Survey

Frontiers | Ethnic Enclaves, Economic and Political Threat: An Investigation With the European Social Survey

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Edited by

Christel Kesler

Colby College, United States

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Leonardo Silveira

Rio de Janeiro State University, Brazil

Arjan de Haan

International Development Research Centre (IDRC), Canada

TABLE OF CONTENTS

AbstractIntroductionThe Effect of Ethnic Composition of Local AreaData and Empirical StrategyResults: Threat to Economic Position and Political PowerConclusionData Availability StatementEthics StatementAuthor ContributionsFundingConflict of InterestAcknowledgmentsSupplementary MaterialFootnotesReferences

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ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

Front. Sociol., 06 July 2021Sec. Race and Ethnicity

Volume 6 - 2021 |

https://doi.org/10.3389/fsoc.2021.660378

Ethnic Enclaves, Economic and Political Threat: An Investigation With the European Social SurveyNeli Demireva1*† Wouter Zwysen1,2†1Department of Sociology, University of Essex, Colchester, United Kingdom2European Trade Union Institute, Brussels, BelgiumThis article examines the labor market outcomes and political preferences of majority, minority, or migrant individuals who report that they live in an ethnic enclave—a neighborhood with few majority residents. Politicians often proclaim that ethnic enclaves are problematic, but there is little rigorous examination of these claims. The ethnic composition of a local residential area can affect its inhabitants negatively by increasing conflict and competition (real or perceived) between groups. Majority members may feel their economic and political power questioned and think that the resources to which they are entitled have been usurped by newcomers. Migrants and minorities can be negatively impacted by isolation from the mainstream society, and their integration attempts can be hindered in ethnically concentrated local areas. Using data from the 2002 and 2014 waves of the European Social Survey, enriched with contextual data, we examine the impact of ethnic enclaves accounting for selection and compositional differences. We do not find evidence that minority concentrated areas impact negatively upon the economic outcomes of majority members, not even of those in precarious positions. We do however find that residence in enclaves is associated with greater propensity to vote for the far right and dissatisfaction with democracy for the majority group. Furthermore, there is an economic enclave penalty associated with the labor market insertion of migrants and the job quality of the second generation, and ethnic enclaves also increase the dissatisfaction with democracy among the second generation. We discuss our findings in light of the threat and contact literature.IntroductionIncreased migration to and within Europe has made ethnic diversity in local areas an everyday experience for majority populations across Europe (Iceland, 2014; Laméris et al., 2018). While residential segregation is not as high as in the United States, migrants and their children often live concentrated in more deprived areas than the majority (Semyonov et al., 2012). Such spatial local concentration of migrants and minorities is often referred to as an ethnic enclave (Portes and Zhou, 1993; Waldinger, 1994) and is interpreted by politicians as problematic, hindering integration for minorities and increasing their sense of distance from the mainstream (Cameron, 2011).While important, little is known empirically about the impact of residential isolation from the mainstream society. In this article, we use cross-nationally comparable European data to study whether there is an association between the perceived ethnic composition in the local residential area and two sets of outcomes: on one hand, labor market outcomes, and on the other hand, political behavior. In this way, we capture the distinction between threat to labor market position (heightened competition should result in observed poor labor market outcomes) and threat to political power (which should result in greater support of far-right parties which programs frequently stoke such fears, or higher salience of political nationalism and dissatisfaction with democracy).We contribute to the literature first by comparing how ethnic enclaves affect majority members as well as migrants and minorities and by providing valuable insights into the conflict and contact mechanisms at work. Second, we make use of propensity score matching methods to account directly for selection into local areas as selection on observables can be a major part of the story. Third, we account for the influence of important mediating factors such as the regional employment rate, the friendship contacts of our respondents, and neighborhood social disorganization captured by fear of crime. This study relies on a measure of the perceived ethnic composition of the local area. One limitation of our data is the possible variability in subjective perceptions of the area’s residential composition. Nevertheless, previous research has demonstrated that perceptions matter—it is the perceived rather than the actual size of the minority population that is more likely to increase anti-minority sentiment (Semyonov et al., 2012). We elaborate further on the limitations of this work in the Discussion section.The Effect of Ethnic Composition of Local AreaSelection Into Ethnic EnclavesMigrants and minorities may concentrate in less-desirable areas as they are cheaper, through a higher reliance on social housing (Semyonov and Glikman, 2009), or can be pushed there by housing discrimination (Boeri et al., 2015). Migrants and minorities may also seek out ethnic enclaves as they can offer shelter from discrimination and access to ethnic goods and positive social and cultural connections (Portes and Zhou, 1993; Zhou, 1994; Zhou, 2005; Bécares et al., 2009). These areas, however, are often more deprived and can provide fewer good job prospects (Feng et al., 2015). It is therefore important to account for selection into ethnic enclaves when estimating their impact (Edin et al., 2003; Damm, 2009; Andersson et al., 2013; Boeri et al., 2015).The Threat to Economic or Political Power and the Ethnic EnclaveThe ethnic composition of a local residential area can affect its inhabitants negatively by increasing conflict and competition (real or perceived) between groups (Blalock, 1967; Glikman and Semyonov, 2012). Majority members can feel their economic and political power questioned and think that the resources to which they are entitled have been usurped by newcomers (Vervoort, 2012). In this study, we focus on both dimensions and examine the impact of the ethnic enclave on labor market outcomes (economic position) and vote for far-right parties, feeling close to the far right and dissatisfaction with democracies (which demonstrates the salience of political nationalism observed when political power is threatened).There is inconclusive evidence of whether there is labor market competition between migrants and majority members. Some studies find a somewhat negative effect of increasing migration on earnings and employment of the majority (Dustmann et al., 2013; Bratsberg et al., 2014; Brücker et al., 2014); while others find positive or no effects (Bellini et al., 2013; Akay et al., 2014; Dustmann and Frattini, 2014; Aleksynska and Tritah, 2015; Ehrlich and Kim, 2015; Peri et al., 2015; Mayda et al., 2018). While competition is mainly measured at the regional level, there is some evidence at the local level (primarily based on United Kingdom data) for increased competition between migrants and majority members, with migrants affecting majority members’ employment probability negatively (Dustmann et al., 2017). Boeri et al. (2015) show a negative effect of the extra local area competition on migrants in Italy. Zwysen and Demireva (2020) show that the presence of migrants does not really lead to worsening of the job quality of majority members, but there are adverse effects for migrants and some minority groups.Is there an association between residing in ethnic enclaves and political behavior? The research on this topic is also somewhat contradictory. Pardos-Pardo et al. (2014) found evidence that concerns over immigration strengthen the identification of majority members with the center-right party that owns this immigration issue. Halla et al. (2017), using Austrian data, reported a strong association between increasing immigrant influx in a community and the voting share for the Freedom Party of Austria. The greater presence of migrants becomes associated with the economic concerns of the majority for their labor market position on one hand and with fear for access to amenities on the other. Most recently, concerns have shifted to refugees (Dinas et al., 2019; Dustmann et al., 2019). Unfortunately, our data do not allow us to identify who majority members perceive as an outgrouper. Moreover, despite the economic benefits of migration, majority members may see either their economic position threatened by mass migration (Becker and Fetzer, 2016) or their political power challenged and seriously eroded (Tabellini, 2020). Thus, there are several indications that the ethnic enclave can bring about discontent on the part of majority members. First of all, according to the threat framework, the ethnic enclave will increase the proximity between different ethnic groups, while at the same time majority members constitute a minority in this setting (Kawalerowicz, 2021). Second, enclaves are also characterized by higher levels of structural disadvantage and economic insecurity, and deprivation may act to strengthen identification with populist projects (Margalit, 2019) and opposition to outgroupers (Hjerm, 2009; Finseraas and Kotsadam, 2017). Left-behind voters can become disillusioned with the democratic process and react in relation to broader grievances that are associated with their changed economic position over time rather than with the presence of migrants or minority members in their local area (Hjerm, 2009; Matti and Zhou, 2017; Haaland and Roth, 2020). Whereas this study examines a variety of mediating factors and looks at the outcomes and preferences of majority individuals in precarious economic positions, our analysis does not allow us to examine changes to local areas over time either in terms of deprivation or minority composition and identify respondents who can be considered “left behind.” Finally, studies have shown that settled migrants and minorities can also have strong reservations against migrants and may act to preserve their established positions (Just and Anderson, 2015).Research Expectation 1: Salience of Economic Threat. The residence in the ethnic enclave can bring worse labor market outcomes for majority members (if there is competition in the local labor market). Greater non-majority presence in the local area may also align with worsening of the labor market position of first- and second-generation individuals as the pool of workers substitutable with one another directly increases.Research Expectation 2: Salience of the Threat to Political Power. The residence in the ethnic enclave may be associated with greater propensity to vote for the far right for majority members (if there is conflict). Similar outcomes can be witnessed among the second generation, whose position can also be threatened by the growing presence of migrants. As migrants frequently do not possess political power, the threat to them should be weaker.Conflict and threat can be important mediators of the relationship between the enclave and the outcomes in our study. We use several measures of conflict to capture this mechanism. Fear of crime (a subjective measure of conflict) can be strong in areas which majority members perceive as dominated by outgroupers (individuals belonging to an ethnic group other than their own) as shown by studies both in Europe and the United States (Semyonov et al., 2012; Laméris et al., 2018). Crime levels are usually lower in areas with greater presence of migrants (Han and Piquero, 2021), but we also control for whether the respondent reports being a victim of crime (an objective measure of conflict). Finally, the economic deprivation of the region and the respondent’s personal precarious economic position have been linked to anti-minority sentiments and the ability to cope with adversity (Haaland and Roth, 2020; Kawalerowicz, 2021). Using these measures, we formulate the following research expectation.Research Expectation 3: Conflict Mechanism: If the ethnic enclave is characterized by higher levels of conflict and economic hardship, a negative impact of the local area will be observed that is not due to its ethnic homogeneity but to concentrated disadvantage and conflict. We investigate the role of several mediating factors often considered as part of the threat framework.Furthermore, individuals who are in a weaker or precarious economic position may be particularly susceptible to narratives of opposition between majorities and migrants and minorities (Haaland and Roth, 2020) which will express itself in identification with far-right projects and dissatisfaction with democracy. We investigate whether the threat to political power is mediated by the economic position of the individual—whether they are employed or not, or by the quality of their jobs.The Contact MechanismEnclaves may also affect the economic and political power of different groups by shaping the ties respondents form, particularly of migrants and minorities who would be more likely to form contacts with other minorities but have fewer opportunities to engage in bridging ties with the majority, especially if they reside in an enclave (Vervoort et al., 2012; Danzer and Yaman, 2013). Areas in which encounters with the majority are few may lead to a further rejection of outgroupers on both sides (Vervoort et al., 2012; Skvoretz, 2013). Tie formation strongly affects the labor market outcomes of migrants and second-generation individuals as has been shown by previous research. Bridging ties foster further sociocultural integration of migrants by improving language skills and can be particularly important to second-generation minority members, as bridging may affect the sharing of information and the presence of useful social networks (Chiswick, 2009; Semyonov and Glikman, 2009; Lancee and Hartung, 2012; Vervoort, 2012; Danzer and Yaman, 2013). Lack of bridging ties in the second generation is seen as particularly problematic by policymakers (Cameron, 2011) and may signal the existence of long-term inclusion issues (Koopmans, 2010).Research Expectation 4: Importance of Ties for Labor Market Outcomes. We do not expect bridging contacts to impact the labor market position of majority members, but the previous literature suggests that they are crucial for the successful economic insertion of migrants and the second generation. Lack of such bridging ties may be responsible for the observed economic enclave penalty among migrants and the second generation.Research Expectation 5: Importance of Ties for Political Outcomes. Bridging ties to outgroupers may act to reduce feelings of social distance on the part of majority members and can be positively associated with satisfaction with democracy and negatively associated with voting for the far right. Bonding among migrants and minorities may represent a reaction to defend ethnic boundaries, especially under conditions of discrimination. We should see then that migrant and minority bonding ties are associated with reduced likelihood to vote for far-right projects which usually position themselves in conflict with these groups.There can also be important differences between migrants and the second generation. Established groups born in the immigrant society may feel that their interests align closely with those of majority members and may also fear exposure to competition with migrants (Martin, 2015). Migrants may also benefit more from possible support within the ethnic enclave, while this is less the case for the second generation. Our study is well-placed to explore these differences.Data and Empirical StrategyData and Main ConceptsOutcomesWe study three main labor market outcomes to capture threat to economic power: activity, employment, and job quality measured as occupational status (Ganzeboom et al., 1992). We use three main variables to measure threat to political power: first, whether someone voted for a right-wing nationalist party in the last national elections; second, whether someone feels closest to a right-wing party. We follow the work by Eger and Valdez (2015) in classifying parties.1 As a third measure, we include an 11-point scale of satisfaction with democracy in the country of survey, ranging from extremely dissatisfied to extremely satisfied. We consider these outcomes for first-generation migrants, second-generation individuals, and majority members separately.2 We use the European Social Survey (ESS), a cross-national representative dataset which included modules on immigration in 20023 and 20144 and include the EU-15 member states as well as Norway.5 Migrants are defined as respondents born in another country and with at least one parent born abroad; the second-generation individuals are defined as those born in the country of residence with at least one parent born abroad; and majority members are themselves born in the country as well as their parents. We exclude majority members who self-report as an ethnic minority and restrict the sample to those aged 16–60 years who are not in education or retired. After listwise deletion of missing cases, the sample consists of 28,508 respondents, of whom 2,421 are first-generation migrants and 1,842 are second generation.Defining the Ethnic EnclaveIn 2002 and 2014, respondents were asked how they would describe the local area where they currently live6 in terms of the presence of members of a minority race or ethnic group with the following answer categories: almost none, some, or many. We dichotomize this variable to distinguish respondents living in an ethnic enclave—an area with high concentration of migrant and minorities from those with some or almost none. Around 10% of the majority, 25% of migrants, and 19% of the second-generation individuals live in these ethnic enclaves.Using self-reported presence of minorities brings the risk that the perception of minority presence differs across individuals, and the same area may be classified differently by different people. Problematically, minority presence may be perceived to be higher by those for whom it is seen as an issue. While we would ideally use the share of migrants or minorities in the local area, no cross-nationally comparative European data exist at the local level. Descriptively, we can compare the regional reported average of living in an ethnic enclave to the actual share of first- and second-generation individuals in a region (NUTS-1 and NUTS-2: much higher than the perceived local area), obtained from the EU Labour Force Survey (LFS) ad hoc modules of 2008 and 2014, as shown in Supplementary Figure A1 in the supplementary material. This does indeed show that the probability of a respondent living in an ethnic enclave is higher in regions with objectively more migrants and second-generation individuals (r = 0.56).Variants of this measure were used to study the relation between residential concentration of minorities and contact, migrant attitudes, and feelings of safety (Semyonov and Glikman, 2009; Semyonov et al., 2012). It is clear that while there is subjectivity in this measure, it is particularly important to consider subjective perceptions when estimating the impact of residing in such local areas; and it is also clear that there is a link to the objective reality.Descriptive statistics of all variables can be found in Supplementary Table A1 in the supplementary material.Methodological StrategyMain EffectWe cannot randomly assign individuals to live in an ethnic enclave. Instead, we can study the difference in outcomes that are observed for an individual living in such an enclave and an individual who is not but is otherwise very similar by matching them on a range of covariates (that are likely to have driven residential selection in the first place).7 First, we estimate the effect (Δ) of living in an ethnic enclave on economic position or threat to political power after accounting for selection into these areas—this estimate is hereafter designed the “treatment.” The effect is the difference between the outcome y when living in an ethnic enclave T (y1) and when not living in the enclave (y0) as shown in Eq. 2. As both outcomes cannot be observed simultaneously, the potential outcomes are estimated using propensity score matching (Cameron and Trivedi, 2005). We estimate the effect of living in the enclave separately for majority members, migrants, and minorities.△=(y1 | T=1)-(y0 | T=0)(1)p(x) = Pr(T=1 | X=x)(2)The propensity score p(x) indicates the probability of living in an ethnic enclave conditional on the observed characteristics X, as shown in Eq. 2 (Caliendo and Kopeinig, 2008). In order to compare like with like, we include year of survey, country of residence, and dummies for living in a big city; the outskirts or suburbs of a big city, a town, or small city, or in a more rural environment; and sociodemographic characteristics that can affect labor market outcomes and selection into localities (highest qualification, gender, age, marital and family situation, an indicator of having poor health, the highest qualification obtained by a parent, occupational class of the highest-status parent when the respondent was aged 14 years, and a dummy indicating whether the respondent lived with both parents at age 14 years). For migrants and the second generation, we also include a dummy indicating whether one of their parents is born in the host country. For migrants, the years of residence are also included.8Several matching algorithms were tested (not shown here), and the best balance overall as well as an acceptable match for all instances was obtained by matching on five nearest neighbors with replacement.Mechanisms (the Effect of Mediators)In a second step, we include proxies for conflict and contact to the variables on which individuals are matched. This means that we are comparing people who live in an ethnic enclave with their counterparts who do not, but who have similar levels of local conflict, or of contact with majority and minority members. The extent to which this changes the estimated treatment effect can indicate whether these mechanisms play a role in the observed differences.Conflict is measured through factors that can indicate strife and competition. First, we include the employment rate at the regional level9 estimated through the EU Labour Force Survey (LFS) in 2002 and 2014 to account for resources in the local labor market, a commonly adopted measure in economic studies (Manacorda et al., 2012), and overall deprivation. The region is much larger than the locality, but it does provide some indication of differences in resources and opportunities across the sample. Second, we include a dummy variable indicating that the respondent was a victim of burglary or assault in the last 5 years—crime being an oft-cited indicator of conflict in the literature, and third is a dummy indicating whether respondents feel unsafe walking alone at night in their local area.Contact is approximated by including a dummy variable indicating whether respondents speak the host country language as their main language to proxy sociocultural integration and by a question measuring close friendships with migrants/minorities.10 The question on language varies very little among the majority, but this mechanism would not be expected to affect them.Furthermore, in order to study whether the association between living in an ethnic enclave and political outcomes is due to economic uncertainty and deprivation, we test whether matching workers on an indicator of their economic outcomes—being active, being employed in low-status jobs (lowest 25% of occupational status), being employed in middle-status jobs (middle 50% of occupational status), or being employed in high-status jobs (highest 25% of occupational status)—produces an effect on the relationship.Sensitivity TestsWe test the robustness of our findings, including their sensitivity to unobserved confounders. While the propensity score matching accounts for selection on observed characteristics, there may be selection on unobserved characteristics such as motivation or preferences which can affect both the probability of living in an ethnic enclave and labor market outcomes, and thereby bias the estimated effect. We test the robustness of these results to three simulated unobserved binary confounders (Rosenbaum, 2005; Nannicini, 2007), mimicking the relations of three strong confounders: having tertiary qualifications, feeling unsafe when walking in the local area at night, and a self-reported measure on whether the household struggles financially. Our overall findings are supported; more results can be found Supplementary Tables A4–A6 in Supplementary Appendix S1 in the supplemental material.We further estimate the difference between living in an ethnic enclave and living outside of an ethnic enclave when using different specifications of the matching process.Results: Threat to Economic Position and Political PowerDescriptive ResultsTable 1 shows the differences between individuals residing in the ethnic enclave and those outside it. Notably, across the three ethnic categorizations we consider majorities, migrants, and the second generation, those who are living in the enclave are doing worse in terms of their labor market outcome, while being more likely to vote for the far right, identify with the far right, and be satisfied with democracy. Majority and minority members are very similar in terms of level of activity and employment, and minority members have better status. Migrants have worse employment outcomes, than majority or second-generation members while they are much less likely to vote for the far right and have more satisfaction with democracy. There is clear evidence of bonding in the ethnic enclave for both the first generation and for minority individuals and reduced likelihood to adopt the language of the country of origin as the main language spoken at home.TABLE 1TABLE 1. Average labor market and political outcomes for those living in ethnic enclave and those who do not.Economic Enclave PenaltyMean and Matched Difference: Threat to Economic PositionTable 2 compares the average difference in activity, employment, and occupational status between those living in an ethnic enclave and their counterparts (mean difference), with the treatment estimate after matching (matched difference). Residents of ethnic enclaves are on average less likely to be active, 5–10 percentage points less likely to be employed, and migrants and especially second-generation individuals living in enclaves also work on low-quality jobs on average than those living in mixed or majority-dominated areas.TABLE 2TABLE 2. Difference in labor market activity, employment status, and occupational status of inhabitants of ethnic enclaves and those in majority areas.Selection clearly matters and is important to take into account, as the inhabitants of ethnic enclaves are generally lower educated, female, less healthy, young, and of lower parental social class. Living in an ethnic enclave is also much more likely for residents of big cities than in small towns or rural areas. We find that matching on the propensity score resulted in good balance of covariates between the enclave residents and non-enclave residents.11 Supplementary Table A2 in the supplementary material shows the selection equation, and Supplementary Table A3 shows the averages of the covariates before and after matching.After accounting for selection on observables between respondents, the estimated differences between residents and nonresidents of enclaves diminish (see Table 2). Particularly, for majority members, the negative association of living in an ethnic enclave with one’s economic position is to a large extent driven by a range of other factors such as individual sociodemographics, but we still observe slightly poorer employment prospects for majority members. In contrast, Figure 1 shows that substantial negative effects remain for migrants after the matching: Migrants residing in ethnic enclaves are 3.5 percentage points less likely to be active and almost 7 percentage points less likely to be employed, while second-generation individuals work on lower quality jobs (occupational status reduces by 2.5 points, which is a 5% reduction in status relative to the average occupational status [48.5] of second-generation individuals living outside of ethnic enclaves).FIGURE 1FIGURE 1. Labor market status for inhabitants of an ethnic enclave and those living elsewhere—by migrant status. The mean difference is estimated through an independent samples t-test (two-tailed), and the matched difference shows the estimate after propensity score matching with five nearest neighbors, taking individual sociodemographic factors into account. Outcome variables activity, employment, and occupational status are examined and the difference between enclave and non-enclave residents reported.Living in an ethnic enclave does not seem to threaten the economic power of majority members very strongly, while our results align with interpretations of competition within the migrant pool for jobs and in terms of job quality for the second generation.Mediation: Conflict and Contact in Relation to Economic PositionIn this section, we test our conflict and contact hypotheses. Table 2 shows how the difference between those living in an ethnic enclave and their counterparts who do not changes when we also compare them to people experiencing a similar level of conflict or contact.12The first column of Table 3 shows that majority members who are living in an ethnic enclave are 1.7 percentage points less likely to be employed than non-enclave majority members. This difference is not affected much when accounting for conflict or contact with minorities. This result is not driven by poorer regional employment prospects or feelings of threat. There is no impact on activity or occupational status.TABLE 3TABLE 3. Conflict and contact mediating the relationship between ethnic enclaves and labor market outcomes.Migrants who live in an ethnic enclave are less likely to be active (3.5 percentage points) and less likely to be employed than their counterparts who live in an area with more majority members. These differences seem partly driven by migrants having fewer contacts with the majority—meaning more minority friends and speaking the language less well—than their counterparts who live elsewhere. When accounting for contact, the difference in activity is reduced by 1 percentage point and no longer statistically significant, while the employment gap is reduced by 1.5 percentage point. The employment gap is also driven by conflict, as it was for the majority.Finally, for the second generation, we see that contact does not explain their worse quality jobs and lower employment probability. Accounting for conflict in the area does seem to account for around 30% of the gap in occupational status.There have been concerns that in line with classic conflict literature (Bobo, 1988), conflict may operate asymmetrically. Majority members who have more to lose in terms of their political and economic power should be more susceptible to conflict, particularly to concerns about crime. Yet, we find an economic enclave penalty however not for majority members but for migrants and minority members after taking into account mediators such as conflict and contact. Our results suggest that living in an ethnic enclave is particularly bad for migrants’ employment and for the job quality prospects of the second generation, and this can be exacerbated through isolation from the mainstream due to the formation of primarily bonding ties. We next turn to threat to political power that the enclave can posit.Political Enclave PenaltyMean and Matched Differences: Threat to Political PowerTable 4 shows that after accounting for selection on observables, living in an ethnic enclave is significantly associated with the probability of having voted for a right-wing nationalist party in the last national elections and feeling close to such a party, and it diminishes satisfaction with democracy. Importantly, members of the majority who live in an ethnic enclave are 2 percentage points more likely to have voted for far-right parties in the last elections than their counterparts who do not live in such an enclave (compared to the average propensity of 6% for majority members living outside of an ethnic enclave, this constitutes a 40% increase)—Figure 2 demonstrates just how substantial this effect is on the average probability of voting for the far right. There is no corresponding association observed for migrants or the second generation. The association for the majority is slightly weaker (and not statistically significantly different from 0 or from the association for the second generation) when looking at whether they feel closest to a far-right party rather than to another party. Both majority and second-generation minority members residing in an ethnic enclave tend to be less satisfied with the state of democracy in their country than those who live in mixed or predominantly majority settings. Thus, we find strong evidence that residence in an enclave is associated with increased salience of oppositional political narratives on the part of majority members and with dissatisfaction with democracy for both majority and minority members.TABLE 4TABLE 4. Difference in voting and political attitudes for inhabitants of ethnic enclaves and those in majority areas.FIGURE 2FIGURE 2. Voting behavior and satisfaction with democracy for inhabitants of an ethnic enclave and those living elsewhere—by migrant status. The mean difference is estimated through an independent samples t-test (two-tailed), and the matched difference shows the estimate after propensity score matching with five nearest neighbors, taking individual sociodemographic factors into account. Outcome variables voting behavior and satisfaction with democracy are examined and the difference between enclave and non-enclave residents reported.Mediation: Conflict and Contact in Relation to Political PowerTable 5 shows the mediation effect of conflict, contact with minorities, and personal economic situation on political outcomes.13 Feelings of threat and conflict in the local area do give rise to some of these associations, but even when comparing inhabitants of an ethnic enclave to non-enclave residents with similar feelings of threat, many of the associations remain. Notably, accounting for employment differences does not dent the pattern for majority members—that is to say, it is not just those who are unemployed or in a low occupational position that are likely to vote for the far right. Accounting for conflict—economic insecurity and crime—reduces the gap in satisfaction with democracy substantially for the majority and for the second generation. For the latter, the difference is no longer statistically significant. Conflict seems then to be the major driver of the political dissatisfaction of the second generation in ethnic enclaves but not for the majority. Conflict and accounting of personal economic insecurity reduce the size of the estimate for the second generation, but it does not disappear.TABLE 5TABLE 5. Conflict, contact, and employment status mediating the relationship between ethnic enclaves and voting and political behavior.ConclusionUsing the 2002 and 2014 waves of the ESS, we find that, before we account for compositional differences, living in a perceived ethnic enclave is on average positively associated with the threat to economic power—activity, employment, and occupational status for all groups we examine. This is the case for majority members as well as for migrants and the second generation. Importantly, however, after matching on a rich set of individual variables to account for social selection, the employment enclave penalty disappears for majority members. However, living in the ethnic enclave is associated with poorer labor market outcomes for migrants and their descendants, and these findings are robust to many different specifications, including to unobserved characteristics. Lack of opportunity for contact seems the prime driver behind the enclave economic penalty of minorities (in terms of job quality) and migrants (in terms of activity and employment).On the contrary, we have provided evidence that residing in an enclave appears to solidify the political concerns of majority members, and they are more likely (by 2 percentage points) to vote for far-right parties in such settings and to be dissatisfied with democracy. Such pattern of dissatisfaction with democracy is also notable among minority members.This research has several limitations. First of all, we study the effect of the perceived composition of the ethnic enclave—unfortunately, we do not have information about the actual ethnic diversity of the local area. Additional tests we have performed and which are available in the Supplementary information show that there is an alignment between the ethnic composition of the region and the perceptions of ethnic heterogeneity captured in the ESS, which gives us some degree of confidence in the measure we have used. Second, it is possible that conflict arises between particular ethnic groups. Our approach does not allow for subtle differentiation between ethnic minority groups or indeed to reflect on increasing levels of xenophobia that some groups, Muslim groups in particular, may be exposed to (Allen, 2010; Marfouk, 2019). Further work should aim to explore these important aspects of enclave residence to better examine the postulates of the threat framework. Finally, we do not know the ethnic composition of the respondents’ workplaces or whether they reside and work in the same location. We nevertheless can comment on whether on average the diversity of the local area, in fact the substantial (perceived) presence of minorities, undermines the employment prospects of majority individuals—it does not.Our study shows that in the European context, increased migrant and minority presence in the local area does not seem to be a viable economic threat for majority members, but ethnic enclaves and the isolation in them are associated with poorer employment prospects for both migrants and minorities. The interpretation of our results however aligns with observations of political commentators that majority members may experience their political power threatened and act to redress the balance by voting for a far-right party in such local areas. Exposure to the ethnic enclave may not only isolate the second generation from the occupational hierarchies of the mainstream labor market but also serve to consolidate their dissatisfaction with democracy. Notably, one's personal economic position does not seem to mediate our results for threat to political power, suggesting that the actual economic situation of the respondent is not the mechanism underlying this phenomenon.Data Availability StatementInformation about the data and the archives through which it can be accessed can be find here: European Social Survey Round 1 Data (2002). Data file edition 6.5.NSD–Norwegian Centre for Research Data, Norway–Data Archive and distributor of ESS data for ESS ERIC; European Social Survey Round 7 Data (2014). Data file edition 2.1. NSD–Norwegian Centre for Research Data, Norway–Data Archive and distributor of ESS data for ESS ERIC. The original contributions presented in the study are included in the article/Supplementary Material, and further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author.Ethics StatementEthical review and approval was not required for the study on human participants in accordance with the local legislation andinstitutional requirements. This study relies on secondary data. Information about the data and the archives through which it can be accessed: European Social Survey Round 1 Data (2002). Data file edition 6.5.NSD–Norwegian Centre for Research Data, Norway–Data Archive and distributor of ESS data for ESS ERIC; European Social Survey Round 7 Data (2014). Data file edition 2.1. NSD–Norwegian Centre for Research Data, Norway–Data Archive and distributor of ESS data for ESS ERIC.Author ContributionsThe authors have contributed equally to this work.FundingThis research has been supported by funding from the European Commission Horizon 2020 programme to project GEMM “Growth Equal Opportunities, Migration and Markets” (grant agreement no. 649255) and funding from the ESRC Research Center for Micro-Social Change (grant agreement no. ES/L009153/1).Conflict of InterestThe authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.AcknowledgmentsThe authors thank their colleagues in the GEMM project who had provided comments during several presentations. Malcolm Brynin and Renee Luthra also had some very useful suggestions to the framing of this article.Supplementary MaterialThe Supplementary Material for this article can be found online at: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fsoc.2021.660378/full#supplementary-materialFootnotes1The parties are the SPO in Austria, Vlaams Blok/Vlaams Belang, and FN in Belgium. The ODS in Czechia, the Danish People’s Party in Denmark, True Finns in Finland, FN in France, Lega Nord in Italy, Progress Party in Norway, law and justice in Poland, National Renovator Party in Portugal, the List Pim Fortuyn and PVV in the Netherlands, the AfD and NPD in Germany, UKIP in the United Kingdom, and Sverigedemokrate in Sweden.2By partitioning the sample into three separate groups based on rough categories of country of birth of self and parents, we aim to compare like with like as much as the sample size allows. These groups are of course still very diverse and differ in composition across countries, which we address through the matching approach.3European Social Survey Round 1 Data (2002). Data file edition 6.5. NSD–Norwegian Centre for Research Data, Norway–Data Archive and distributor of ESS data for ESS ERIC.4European Social Survey Round 7 Data (2014). Data file edition 2.1. NSD–Norwegian Centre for Research Data, Norway–Data Archive and distributor of ESS data for ESS ERIC.5Greece, Italy, and Luxembourg were not involved in the 2014 round.6Respondents are asked: “How would you describe the area where you currently live?” While referring to people’s own perception of the neighborhood, the scale of this local area is unknown and may differ across respondents.7This still cannot account for selection on unobservable characteristics however, which is addressed more in the sensitivity tests.8Within the last year; 1–5 years ago; 6–10 years ago; 11–20 years ago; more than 20 years ago.9Unfortunately, the survey contains no local labor market identifiers at a lower level than the region. We therefore use regional employment rate as a proxy, following standard practice in the literature (Manacorda et al., 2012).10In 2002, respondents were asked if they have any close friends who are immigrants, and in 2014, they were asked whether they have any close friends who are of a different race or ethnic group from most people in the country. While these questions are different, they are included jointly to measure strong ties with minorities and are dichotomized to contrast having many minority/immigrant friends with having few or none.11The percentage bias for all covariates is substantially reduced and at acceptable thresholds, less than 5%. There is no longer any statistically significant (p < 0.1) relation between the matched covariates and the probability of living in an ethnic enclave after matching.12In results not shown here but available upon request, we also look at the association between living in an ethnic niche and our indicators of conflict or contact. Majority members who live in an ethnic enclave are also substantially more likely to report feeling unsafe when walking around at night and to have been a victim of burglary or assault in the last 5 years, consistent with previous studies (Glikman and Semyonov, 2012; Laméris et al., 2018). Residing in an ethnic enclave for migrants is associated with higher probability of feeling unsafe and with living in a region with a higher unemployment rate. Migrants residing in ethnic enclaves are also substantially more likely to have many minority friends. Second-generation individuals living in an ethnic enclave are more likely to be victims of crime and to feel unsafe similarly to majority members, and are much more likely to have many minority friends in enclave areas.13Personal economic situation is a combined variable with five categories: inactive, employed, working on a job in the lowest 25% of occupational status, working on a job in the middle 50% of occupational status, and working on a job in the top 25% of occupational status.ReferencesAkay, A., Bargain, O., and Zimmermann, K. F. (2014). Home Sweet Home? Macroeconomic Conditions In Home Countries And the Well-Being Of Migrants. IZA Discussion Paper No. 7862, Available at: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2374643.Aleksynska, M., and Tritah, A. (2015). The Heterogeneity of Immigrants, Host Countries' Income and Productivity: A Channel Accounting Approach. Econ. Inq. 53 (1), 150–172. doi:10.1111/ecin.12141CrossRef Full Text | Google ScholarAllen, C. (2010). 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Ethnic and Migrant Penalties in Job Quality in the UK: the Role of Residential Concentration and Occupational Clustering. J. Ethnic Migration Stud. 46 (1), 200–221. doi:10.1080/1369183x.2018.1498777CrossRef Full Text | Google ScholarKeywords: ethnic enclave, local area, economic threat, political threat, majority, migrants, minoritiesCitation: Demireva N and Zwysen W (2021) Ethnic Enclaves, Economic and Political Threat: An Investigation With the European Social Survey. Front. Sociol. 6:660378. doi: 10.3389/fsoc.2021.660378Received: 29 January 2021; Accepted: 06 May 2021;Published: 06 July 2021.Edited by:Christel Kesler, Colby College, United StatesReviewed by:Leonardo Souza Silveira, Federal University of Minas Gerais, BrazilArjan de Haan, International Development Research Center, CanadaCopyright © 2021 Demireva and Zwysen. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY). The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.*Correspondence: Neli Demireva, nvdem@essex.ac.uk†These authors have contributed equally to this work

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J Immigr Minor Health. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2017 Feb 6.Published in final edited form as:J Immigr Minor Health. 2017 Feb; 19(1): 138–146. doi: 10.1007/s10903-015-0334-6PMCID: PMC4919243NIHMSID: NIHMS748485PMID: 26699378Defining ethnic enclave and its associations with self-reported health outcomes among Asian American adults in New York CitySungwoo Lim,a Stella S. Yi,b Nneka Lundy De La Cruz,a and Chau Trinh-ShevrinbSungwoo LimaNew York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene, New York, NY, USA

Find articles by Sungwoo LimStella S. YibDepartment of Population Health, New York University School of Medicine, New York, NY, USA

Find articles by Stella S. YiNneka Lundy De La CruzaNew York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene, New York, NY, USA

Find articles by Nneka Lundy De La CruzChau Trinh-ShevrinbDepartment of Population Health, New York University School of Medicine, New York, NY, USA

Find articles by Chau Trinh-ShevrinAuthor information Copyright and License information PMC DisclaimeraNew York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene, New York, NY, USA

bDepartment of Population Health, New York University School of Medicine, New York, NY, USA

Sungwoo Lim, DrPH, MS, Bureau of Epidemiology Services, Division of Epidemiology, New York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene, Gotham Center, CN-6, 42-09 28th street, Queens, NY 11101-4132, Tel: 347-396-2823, Fax: 347-396-8976, vog.cyn.htlaeh@1milsPMC Copyright notice The publisher's final edited version of this article is available at J Immigr Minor HealthAbstractEvidence on ethnic enclave-health associations for Asian Americans is limited due to an inconsistent definition of ethnic enclave. The authors aimed to establish a robust criterion for defining Asian enclaves in New York City (NYC) and assessed the association between enclave residence and health outcomes among Asian American adults. Data came from 2009-12 NYC Community Health Surveys and 2008-12 American Community Survey. Asian enclave was defined as an area with high dissimilarity and isolation scores as well as high concentration of Asians. Five of 55 NYC community districts were identified as Asian enclaves. After controlling for confounding, enclave residence was associated with positive perception of general health with borderline significance (prevalence ratio = 1.06, 95% CI = 0.98, 1.15), but not with current smoking, hypertension, and diabetes. Ethnic enclave residence in urban areas may not produce a substantial impact on chronic health outcomes for Asian Americans beyond individual-level factors.Keywords: Asian Americans, New York City, Residence Characteristics, Statistical ModelIntroductionAn ethnic enclave is a geographical area where a particular ethnic group is spatially clustered and socially and economically distinct from the majority group. Living in an ethnic enclave has been hypothesized to protect immigrants from potential health hazards owing to increased family ties, familiar culture and help in finding work,1 but evidence for Asian Americans is limited and inconclusive. For example, ethnic enclave residence has been associated with low likelihood of smoking among Asian American women living in California2 and yet higher smoking rates among first-generation Asian immigrant men in New York City (NYC).3 Living in an ethnic enclave has also been associated with diets lower in fat compared to non-enclave residence.4 Both smoking and dietary behaviors mirror those in origin countries demonstrating a preservation of culture within the ethnic enclave after immigration. Other NYC studies have found no independent association between enclave residence and the prevalence of gestational diabetes among recent Chinese immigrants,5 or with urinary sodium or potassium (a marker of fruit and vegetable intake) after adjustment for demographic and socioeconomic factors.6 In contrast, living in an ethnic enclave was associated with limited healthcare access among Asian Americans in California.7This mixed evidence about the relationship between ethnic enclave residence and health among Asian American populations may be due to inconsistent definitions of ‘ethnic enclave’ across studies and other methodological issues. For instance, the cutpoint in the sociological literature for high segregation for blacks and for Hispanics is typically a dissimilarity or isolation index of 0.6 or greater, however no similar quantitative cutpoint has been established in Asian Americans.8 The diversity of Asian Americans (i.e., cultural and economic differences between South versus East Asians) also presents another challenge, with many available datasets not including information disaggregated by Asian subgroup. Finally, limited statistical treatment of confounding by individual-level characteristics in these studies makes it difficult to isolate true neighborhood-level impacts from individual-level ones. Observed associations between ethnic enclave residence and health may be more likely to be a reflection of particular behaviors (e.g., healthy diets) or underlying health conditions than an independent association between living in an ethnic enclave and health.This study aimed to address these methodological issues in estimating the association between living in an Asian ethnic enclave and chronic health outcomes among Asian American adults in NYC. Specifically, we examined data using numerical and graphical methods to strengthen validity of presence of an Asian enclave in NYC. In addition, we evaluated differences in demographic and behavioral characteristics between enclave residents and non-residents, and then used propensity score matching to reduce any observed differences. This allowed us to objectively assess whether individual-level confounding was adequately controlled for in estimating a hypothesized link between ethnic enclave residence and self-reported health outcomes.MethodsData collectionThe primary data source was the NYC Community Health Survey (CHS), a random-digit dial annual telephone survey of 9,000 non-institutionalized NYC adults. Using combined years 2009-2012, it gave rise to 2,863 NYC adults who reported their race as Asian out of approximately 36,000 NYC adults. CHS was conducted using four language options (English, Spanish, Russian, and Chinese), and 36% of 2,863 Asian respondents took the CHS in Chinese. Additional data sources included the United States Census 2010 and 2008-2012 American Community Survey to obtain neighborhood-level information. NYC Department of Health and Mental Hygiene institutional review board determined that this study was not subject to the review because the CHS was considered surveillance.MeasuresTo define an Asian ethnic enclave, we first calculated the dissimilarity and isolation indices using United States 2010 Census tract-level race/ethnicity data for 55 NYC community districts, which are local jurisdictions represented by the community boards, and recognized by local residents as neighborhoods. These 55 community districts were defined as slight modified boundaries of the original 59 community districts in order to be mapped against zip code tabulation areas. Because CHS data collected zip codes as a neighborhood of residence, this approach allowed us to identify neighborhood of CHS participants according to NYC community districts. The dissimilarity index measures a proportion of Asians in a particular area that would need to move out of that area in order to achieve an even distribution of non-Hispanic white and Asian populations.9 For example, if one community district were scored with a dissimilarity index of 0.75, 75% of Asians living in that area should move to other areas to make both racial/ethnic groups evenly distributed in NYC overall. The isolation index measures the degree of interaction between Asian residents in a particular area relative to interaction between Asian and non-Hispanic white residents.8,9 If the isolation index were 0.60, the proportion of Asian residents in that area would exceed that of Asians in NYC overall by 60% on average. Both indices, ranging from 0 to 1, were calculated across all census tracks and summed at community district levels. The resulting two indices had a positive correlation (correlation coefficient = 0.27, p-value = 0.04).Because there is no known cutpoint for Asian versus non-Hispanic white spatial segregation, we graphically examined how NYC community districts were located in terms of two indices and defined community districts with both indices distinctively higher than others as an Asian ethnic enclave. To validate this finding and capture concentration of ethnic groups, which is another dimension of segregation, we calculated percent of Asian residents as well as percent of residents speaking Asian languages at home and speaking English less than very well in NYC census tracts, using 2008-2012 American Community Survey data. We mapped these estimates using ArcMap 10.2.1. If neighborhoods were an Asian ethnic enclave, clusters of these residents should be observed.Health outcomes included self-reported status on current smoking, hypertension, diabetes, and general health (excellent/very good/good vs. fair/poor). To describe underlying characteristics that might be a common cause of enclave residence-health association, we included detailed information about demographics (age, sex, language at home, household income, education, employment, marital status, nativity, years of living in the United States), health care access (health insurance status, flu shot in the past 12 months, seen provider in last 12 months when needed, told by a doctor to take medicine for high blood pressure), total servings of fruit and/or vegetables yesterday, physical activity, and body mass index (BMI; BMI <18.5: underweight; 18.5≤BMI<25: normal; 25≤BMI<30: overweight; 30≤BMI: obese).AnalysisDescriptive statistics were calculated to describe demographic and health care access characteristics between ethnic enclave residents and non-residents. We tested whether these characteristics were independent of enclave residence using chi-squared tests. We then estimated association between ethnic enclave residence and chronic health outcomes after accounting for demographic and health care access characteristics using propensity score matching. Our choice of propensity score matching over multilevel regression modeling in multivariate analysis is two-fold: 1) the former, unlike the latter, has statistical and graphical tools to assess the extent to which a large number of confounders are controlled for; 2) complex sample design can be properly incorporated in the former using the conventional analytic approach (e.g., survey weight, Taylor series linearization), whereas sample design adjustment in the latter requires strict assumptions (e.g., large sample size per each cluster, weak sampling bias).10,11We calculated the likelihood of living in an ethnic enclave (propensity scores) using logistic regression with ethnic enclave residence (dependent variable) and demographic and health care access variables (independent variables) (see Table 1 for the full list of independent variables). Following DuGoff and colleagues’ approach,12 we also included the survey weight as a predictor of the propensity score model in order to strengthen external validity. We created six strata based on propensity scores; ethnic enclave residents and non-residents who shared similar propensity scores were matched within a same stratum. This subclassification option, instead of 1:1 matching, allowed us to have the original complex sample design intact, which prevented from introducing selection bias associated with propensity score matching.10 We then assessed whether this subclassification sufficiently balanced differences in underlying characteristics. Specifically, assessment was based on change of the standardized absolute difference in an average covariate value between enclave residents and non-residents before and after propensity score matching. Because the difference was less than 0.1, we concluded that propensity score matching performed well in reducing observed differences.13Table 1Socio-demographic, behavioral, and healthcare access characteristics of Asian American New York adults by ethnic enclave residence, New York City, 2009-2012Living in Asian enclavesp-values

Yes (n=855)No (n=1,946)

Socio-demographic/behavioral characteristics

Sex Male49%52%0.30 Female51%48%Mean age in years (standard errors)45 (0.83)43 (0.52)0.04Language at home English21%44%<0.01 Chinese67%36% Indian3%5% Others9%15%Marital status Married61%57%0.15 Divorced4%4% Widowed3%3% Separated1%1% Never married26%32% Member of unmarried couple living together3%3%Education 600% FPL7%15%Employment Employed61%60%0.94 Unemployed9%10% Not in labor force30%30%Nativity US born12%14%0.32 Foreign born88%86%Number of years living in the US < 5 years8%12%0.21 5-9 years12%11% 10+ years68%63% Not asked for US-born adults12%14%Physical activity in the past 30 days67%72%0.09Mean total servings of fruit and/or vegetables yesterday(standard errors)2.8 (0.1)2.6 (0.1)0.04BMI Underweight9%7%0.23 Normal60%57% Overweight25%26% Obese6%9%

Healthcare access characteristics

Any kind of health insurance coverage80%85%0.03Flu shot or flu vaccine in the past 12 months45%39%0.02Was there a time in the past 12 months when you needed medicalcare but did not get it?9%9%0.93Have been told by a doctor that you need to take medicine for highblood pressure23%23%0.75Open in a separate windowAbbreviations: BMI = body mass index; FPL = federal poverty level.Using propensity score-matched data, we estimated the association between ethnic enclave residence and health outcomes via regression models: health outcomes ~ enclave residence + propensity score strata + enclave residence × propensity score strata. Because prevalence of health outcomes were common (i.e., >10%), we used log-linear Poisson regression over logistic regression to address a violation of rare disease assumption.14 We first calculated prevalence ratio (PR) for each propensity score strata and then combined PRs according to proportions to the weighted totals. There were small missing data (household income: 6%, age: 4 %, BMI: 4%, other covariates: <3%), and to address bias due to missing data, we performed multiple imputation using IVEware software and accounted for uncertainties resulting from imputation via Schaffer’s method. All the analyses were performed using STATA 12.0 except for propensity score matching (MatchIt package from R 3.0.2 software). All the estimates accounted for complex sample design. Statistical significance was determined at two-sided p-values <0.05.ResultsFig. 1 shows that six community districts had high scores of both indices (>0.35) and were uniquely clustered from other neighborhoods in the upper left corner of the plot. These neighborhoods had Asian residents segregated and isolated from non-Hispanic white residents to the greater extent than the overall trend in NYC. In addition, these neighborhoods, except for Woodside, encompassed areas having >50% of Asian residents speaking Asian languages with limited English proficiency, which also overlapped with areas having >50% of Asian residents (Fig. 2; Appendix I). These graphical examinations led us to determine five community districts as Asian enclaves in NYC: Chinatown, Fresh Meadows, Flushing, Sunset Park, and Elmhurst.Open in a separate windowFig. 1Dissimilarity and isolation indices in 55 New York City Community Districts, New York City, 2010This figure is a scatterplot of 55 New York City Community Districts between dissimilarity and isolation indices. Each dot in the plot represents a position of each New York City Community District in terms of spatial clustering of Asian residents.Open in a separate windowFig. 2Percent of Asian residents aged 5 years or older who speak an Asian language at home with limited English proficiency in census tracts, New York City, 2008-2012This figure describes spatial distributions of Asian residents who have reported speaking an Asian language at home with limited English proficiency.Source: American Community Survey 2008-2012Nearly one-third (31%) of Asian American adults in NYC lived in an ethnic enclave. Table 1 shows that Asians living in an ethnic enclave were more likely to be of low socioeconomic status (e.g., low household income and low education attainment; p<0.01) and low health insurance coverage (p=0.03) than those not living in the enclave. Ethnic enclave residents were also more likely to speak foreign languages at home and receive flu vaccinations in the past 12 months, whereas there was no significant difference in employment, nativity, years of living in the United States, BMI, and physical activity between two groups. Total servings of fruit/vegetables on average were slightly higher among ethnic enclave residents versus non-residents (2.8 vs. 2.6, p=0.04).Asian enclave vs. non-enclave residents had significantly lower crude prevalence of excellent/very good/good general health status (65% vs. 73%, p<0.01), but there was no association between three other health outcomes (current smoking, diabetes, and hypertension) and the ethnic enclave residence (Table 2). Stratified by sex, men living in an ethnic enclave were more likely to smoke than non-residents (25% vs. 14%, p=0.03). For women, crude prevalence of positive perception of general health status was lower among enclave residents relative to non-residents (63% vs. 73%, p<0.01).Table 2Prevalence of chronic health conditions by ethnic enclave residence among Asian American New York City adults, New York City, 2009-2012TotalMalesFemalesLiving inAsian enclavesLiving inAsian enclavesLiving inAsian enclaves

Yes(n=855)No(n=1,946)p-valuesYes(n=431)No(n=939)p-valuesYes(n=424)No(n=1,007)p-valuesCurrent smoking14%11%0.1425%17%0.034%4%0.71Diabetes10%9%0.8411%10%0.568%8%0.75Hypertension23%23%0.7526%23%0.2921%23%0.57General health65%74%<0.0168%75%0.0763%73%<0.01Open in a separate windowAfter controlling for individual-level characteristics, the prevalence ratio for perceived general health status by enclave residence was reversed from crude PR (1.06 vs. 0.89), and borderline significant (95% CI = 0.98, 1.15; Table 3). Adjusted prevalence estimates of current smoking, hypertension, and diabetes were not associated with living in an ethnic enclave. In stratified analyses, ethnic enclave residence was associated with current smoking for men (PR = 1.42) and it was borderline significant (95% CI = 0.98, 2.05). All the other chronic health outcomes were not associated with enclave residence after adjusting for confounding.Table 3Adjusted ratiosa of chronic health conditions by ethnic enclave residence among Asian American New York City adults, New York City, 2009-2012TotalMalesFemales

PR (95% CI)PR (95% CI)PR (95% CI)Current smoking1.19 (0.80, 1.78)1.42 (0.98, 2.05)NEDiabetes0.87 (0.58, 1.30)1.19 (0.74, 1.91)0.79 (0.47,1.35)Hypertension0.95 (0.75, 1.20)1.10 (0.80, 1.52)0.79 (0.56,1.10)General health1.06 (0.98, 1.15)1.05 (0.95, 1.16)1.04 (0.85,1.27)Open in a separate windowAbbreviations: CI = confidence interavl; NE = not estimable due to small cases; PR = prevalence ratio.aNotes: Prevalence Ratio was adjusted for individual-level sociodemogrpahic and healthcare access characteristics via propensity score matching.DiscussionIn this study, we identified five NYC community districts where multiple measures of spatial segregation intersected, capturing the multidimensional construct of ethnic enclave. From a relative perspective, we assessed dissimilarity and isolation with respect to city-wide residential distribution of non-Hispanic whites and Asians. In absolute terms, we captured concentration of Asian residents with limited English proficiency. This approach improved construct validity of ethnic enclave, compared with the conventional approach that an ethnic enclave has been identified by a single measure of segregation or arbitrary cutoff points of segregation measures15 or by anecdotal evidence.1For Asian American adults, living in these areas was associated with low socioeconomic status. This might reflect greater availability of affordable housing in an ethnic enclave or a tendency to live outside of enclaves among more affluent and educated Asians due to familiarity with economic and social systems. These results are in contrast with previous research that Asian Americans with low acculturation levels but high economic resources are opting to live in an ethnic enclave.1 Inconsistency between current and previous findings is likely due to the fact that our analysis was restricted to NYC only, whereas the prior analysis included NYC as well as wealthier suburbs/enclaves in New Jersey and had larger samples to examine specific Asian subgroups who might have different settlement patterns.After controlling for individual-level characteristics, enclave residence was not associated with current smoking, diabetes, and hypertension. This null finding persisted even after data were stratified by sex, except for weak evidence on association between current smoking and enclave residence among men. It is inconsistent with existing evidence that ethnic enclave residence has been reported as a health protectant (e.g., current smoking among women) or a risk factor (e.g., gestational diabetes among NYC women from South Central Asian countries, limited healthcare access in California’s ethnic enclaves).2,5,7 One possible explanation of this difference is that individual-level confounding on enclave residence-health relationship might be insufficiently controlled for in previous studies. With limited individual-level variables or lack of control for confounding, previous findings are more likely to be a reflection of individual characteristics associated with ethnic enclave residence than unique neighborhood-level health impacts of living in an ethnic enclave. Another possible explanation is negligible impact of enclave residence on chronic health outcomes beyond individual-level factors. Compared with larger geographic areas, this may be especially true in small urban areas with high population density where an ethnic enclave is easily accessible to residents and nonresidents alike. Lastly, influences of enclave residence on chronic health outcomes might vary across Asian ethnic subgroups, which might be obscured when these were grouped as Asian residents.2,6 However, small sample sizes, even of the largest two groups in NYC (i.e., Chinese, South Asian), prevented us from performing subgroup analyses.Our study found weak evidence that general perception of health was more positive among enclave residents. It could be explained by the hypothesis that ethnic enclave influences individual health behaviors beyond individual-level characteristics. As Osypuk and colleagues pointed out in their study of Chinese immigrants,4 one mechanism for the pathway from ethnic enclave to individual health is that ethnic enclave provides easy access to ethnic groceries and restaurants, which allow residents to retain traditional diets (e.g., healthier diets than the typical American diet). Another possible pathway is that an ethnic enclave creates ethnically familiar social and physical environments where social networks and social capital can be developed.16 These provide fertile grounds for ethnic businesses, community organizations, and civic institutions.17 Living in ethnic enclaves, immigrants can be economically, culturally and socially connected, and receive essential resources for survival in foreign countries.16 This could help reduce discriminatory exposure and corresponding stress.18Despite positive perception of general health associated with enclave residence, in our study, this potential benefit may not be seen in actual health conditions including diabetes and hypertension. A possible explanation for this discrepancy is that translation might alter the meaning of the general health question, as enclave residents were more likely to respond to survey questions in their own languages. Evidence shows that foreign language speakers with limited English proficiency tend to rate their health conditions more accurately if the general health question is asked along with a battery of other health-related questions.19 Given the general health question was asked without a health context in the NYC Community Health Survey, rating of health conditions might be more inaccurate among enclave residents, as opposed to non-enclave residents.In this study, weak evidence of association between enclave residence and prevalence of current smoking was also observed for Asian American men. It is consistent with a previous NYC study that reported the higher odds of smoking among Asian American men living in ethnic enclave after controlling for acculturation and sociodemographic characteristics.3 Living in NYC Asian ethnic enclave might influence them to retain smoking behaviors which are socially and culturally accepted among Asian men.20,21 Given similar distributions of years of living in the United States and nativity between enclave residents and nonresidents, there might be a unique impact of enclave residence on smoking behaviors beyond acculturation (e.g., social cohesion, targeted smoking marketing). Future studies are warranted to contextualize how living in Asian ethnic enclave influences smoking behaviors among Asian American men in NYC.There were several limitations in this study. First, we did not examine data by specific Asian ethnic groups. Despite growing evidence for the importance of disaggregated data to describe health in Asian Americans,4,6,22 as mentioned earlier, sample sizes were too small to produce reliable estimates when data were stratified by ethnic groups among Asian Americans – even after combining four years of data. Second, the Community Health Survey sample design was based on aggregated zip codes in NYC, which prevented us from estimating health conditions and behaviors in smaller areas such as census tract. Some areas may be misclassified as an ethnic enclave. Third, causal association between ethnic enclave residence and health could not be tested because of lack of temporal information in these cross-sectional data. Fourth, these data may be generalizable to Asian Americans who speak English or Chinese well because other Asian languages were not used as a CHS language option. Lastly, health outcomes were based on self-reported responses, and measurement bias associated with characteristics of respondents cannot be ruled out.Despite these limitations, this study identified an Asian ethnic enclave using multiple measures of spatial segregation, which strengthens construct validity. Another strength of this study was the use of well-designed local health surveys allowed for describing detailed underlying characteristics associated with ethnic enclave residence among Asian American adults. It enabled us to control for potential individual-level confounding when assessing association between ethnic enclave residence and health outcomes.New Contribution to the LiteratureWe identified presence of five Asian ethnic enclaves using spatial measures of dissimilarity, isolation, and concentration. Asian NYC residents in these ethnic enclaves, compared with non-residents, were more likely to be of low socioeconomic status. After controlling for individual-level differences, enclave residence was weakly associated with positive perception of general health status and current smoking for men only, but not associated with diabetes and hypertension. This study demonstrates an analytic approach to capture an Asian ethnic enclave with improved construct validity. It also suggests that ethnic enclave residence in densely populated urban areas may not produce a substantial impact on chronic health outcomes among NYC Asian American residents beyond individual-level factors.AcknowledgementsThe authors thank Cynthia Driver, Kenneth Mort, and Gary Belkin for their helpful comments on the analysis. This research was supported by P60MD000538 from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) National Institute on Minority Health and Health Disparities, U48DP005008 from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and UL1TR001445 from NCATS/NIH. The contents of this publication are solely the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official views of the NIH and CDC.AbbreviationsCHSCommunity Health SurveyBMIBody Mass IndexNYCNew York CityPRPrevalence RatioAppendix I. Percent of Asian residents aged 5 years or older in census tracts, New York City, 2008-2012Open in a separate windowSource: American Community Survey 2008-2012References1. Logan JR, Zhang W, Alba RD. Immigrant enclaves and ethnic communities in New York and Los Angeles. American Sociological Review. 2002;67:299–322. [Google Scholar]2. Kandula NR, Wen M, Jacobs EA, Lauderdale DS. Association between neighborhood context and smoking prevalence among Asian Americans. Am J Pub Health. 2009;99(5):885–892. [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]3. Li S, Kwon SC, Weerasinghe I, Rey MJ, Trinh-Shevrin C. Smoking among Asian Americans: Acculturation and Gender in the Context of Tobacco Control Policies in New York City. Health Promot Pract. 2013;14(5):18S–28S. [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]4. Osypuk TL, Diez Roux AV, Hadley C, Kandula NR. Are immigrant enclaves healthy places to live? The multi-ethnic study of atherosclerosis. Social Science & Medicine. 2009;69(1):110–120. [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]5. Janevic T, Borrell LN, Savitz DA, Echeverria SE, Rundle A. Ethnic enclaves and gestational diabetes among immigrant women in New York City. Social Science & Medicine. 2014;120(C):180–189. [PubMed] [Google Scholar]6. Yi SS, Ruff RR, Jung M, Waddell EN. Racial/ethnic residential segregation, neighborhood poverty and urinary biomarkers of diet. Social Science & Medicine. 2014 doi: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2014.10.030. online first. [PubMed] [CrossRef] [Google Scholar]7. Chang E, Chan KS. Variations in Asian Americans: how neighborhood concordance is associated with health care access and utilization. Am J Pub Health. 2015;105(1):66–68. [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]8. Glaeser EL, Vigdor JL. The Brookings Institution Survey Series. Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy; 2001. Racial Segregation in the 2000 Census: Promising News. Available at http://www.brookings.edu/es/urban/census/glaeser.pdf. [Google Scholar]9. Massey DS, Denton NA. The dimensions of residential segregation. Social Forces. 1988;67(2):281–315. [Google Scholar]10. Lim S, Marcus SM, Singh TP, Harris TG, Levanon Seligson A. Bias due to sample selection in propensity score matching for a supportive housing program evaluation in New York City. PLos ONE. 2014;9(10):e109112. [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]11. Brumback BA, Dailey AB, Zheng HW. Adjusting for confounding by neighborhood using a proportional odds model and complex survey data. Am J Epidemiol. 2012;175(11):1133–1141. [PubMed] [Google Scholar]12. DuGoff EH, Shuler M, Stuart EA. Generalizing observational study results: applying propensity score methods to complex surveys. HSR. 2014;49(1):284–303. [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]13. Normand SL, Landrum MB, Guadagnoli E, et al. Validating recommendations for coronary angiography following an acute myocardial infarction in the elderly: A matched analysis using propensity scores. J Clin Epidemiol. 2001;54:387–398. [PubMed] [Google Scholar]14. Zou G. A modified Poisson regression approach to prospective studies with binary data. Am J Epidemiol. 2004;159(7):702–706. [PubMed] [Google Scholar]15. Allen JP, Turner E. Ethnic residential concentrations in United States metropolitan areas. The Geographical Reviews. 2005;95(2):267–285. [Google Scholar]16. Zhou M, Lin M. Community transformation and the formation of ethnic capital: immigrant Chinese communities in the United States. Journal of Chinese Overseas. 2005;1(2):260–284. [Google Scholar]17. Zhou M, Cho M. Noneconomic effects of ethnic entrepreneurship: a focused look at the Chinese and Korean enclave economies in Los Angeles. Thunderbird International Business Review. 2010;52(2):83–96. [Google Scholar]18. Shell AM, Peek MK, Eschbach K. Neighborhood Hispanic composition and depressive symptoms among Mexican-descent residents of Texas city, Texas. Soc Sci Med. 2013;99:56–63. [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]19. Lee S. Self-rated health in health surveys. In: Johnson TP, editor. Health Survey Methods. Wiley; Hoboken, NJ: 2014. [Google Scholar]20. Chae DH, Gavin AR, Takeuchi DT. Smoking prevalence among Asian Americans: findings from the national Latino and Asian American study (NLAAS) Public Health Rep. 2006;121(6):755–763. [PMC free article] [PubMed] [Google Scholar]21. Ma GX, Shive S, Tan Y, Freeley RM. The impact of acculturation on smoking in Asian American homes. J Health Care Poor Underserved. 2004;15:267–280. [PubMed] [Google Scholar]22. 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Unpacking Ethnic Enclaves (December) - The Kenan Institute for Ethics at Duke University

Unpacking Ethnic Enclaves (December) - The Kenan Institute for Ethics at Duke University

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Unpacking Ethnic Enclaves (December)

By Justin Koga on

December 12, 2019

In December 2019, the Rights Writers introduced themselves and their general topic – who are the key actors, what are their goals/incentives, and what are the main debates? (How does the topic relate to human rights specifically?)

“Either they don’t know, don’t show, or don’t care about what’s going on in the hood.”

– Doughboy in Boyz-N-The-Hood

I remember feeling very unsettled after watching Spike Lee’s, Boyz-N-The-Hood. In his social commentary film, Lee masterfully depicts how African Americans who live in the ethnic enclave of Crenshaw South Los Angeles are adversely affected by multiple dimensions of structural inequalities. Despite overcoming extraordinary obstacles to ascend the socioeconomic ladder of American society, these structural inequalities prevent members of this community from leaving the rough conditions of their neighborhood and ultimately inhibit their right to seek a safe place to live. Currently, this harsh reality of Crenshaw persists today, and is the aftermath of years of racially restrictive housing covenants and invasive gentrification that transformed the district into an ethnically homogeneous enclave with deeply rooted racialized problems. The African American population living in this area didn’t voluntarily converge onto this location, rather they were relegated to these conditions through historically oppressive municipal policies.

South LA District Map. Source: http://projects.latimes.com/mapping-la/neighborhoods/region/south-la/ Wikimedia Commons / CC BY-SA 32.0

As a Public Policy major, I’ve seen many instances of state policy, created by the majority population in power, that have contributed to an inequality of outcomes for ethnic minorities. My topic in particular revolves around the ethnic enclave and how it provides a setting for minority populations to either successfully integrate and assimilate into society or have their rights infringed upon, or both. The question is, how do specific ethnic enclaves like the African American-majority Crenshaw come to exist? Under what circumstances do we see people forming into ethnically homogeneous groups in the first place? And what do affiliations with these groups mean for the preservation of or infringement on human rights of a given community?

Ethnic enclaves by definition are neighborhoods in cities that have a high concentration of people from a similar ethnic background. The term “ethnic enclave” was coined in the 1980s in response to literature surrounding the rise of Cuban immigrant labor markets in Miami following the Mariel boatlift. Given the current literature, there seem to be two common trajectories that lead to the formation of ethnic enclaves: minority groups may be geographically marginalized by the ruling majorities or they can choose to congregate for purposes of solidarity, economic incentive, and even self-defense. In each of these instances, minority groups may experience socio-cultural success or disadvantage as a result of their membership in ethnic enclaves.

In many cases, ethnic enclaves can be seen as success models where they offer ways for new immigrants to assimilate and integrate into society. For example, in the United States, immigrants would arrive in the country and voluntarily settle in an area that was inhabited by their kinship network (friends and family). Places like the Lower East Side of Manhattan grew into communities composed of an ethnic (Jewish) majority and provided its residents with social capital and the benefits of insulation from membership in a culturally and ethnically homogeneous group. The immediate advantages of being in a large community would include robust economic networks and greater bargaining power when negotiating individual or collective rights outside of the ethnic enclave.

3rd Street, South LA. Source: https://www.flickr.com/photos/zongo/2132136420 Wikimedia Commons / CC BY-SA 2.0

Additionally, ethnic enclaves could simultaneously ensure the protection of an ethnic group’s human rights while also providing value to its local governing body. In the historical case of the Jewish Venetian Ghetto during the 15th century, this marked a relatively placid time for the Jewish people, in which the Ghetto (government partitioned ethnic enclave) served as a place where they could fit into society and steadily adopt Italian culture. Separation from the rest of the population wasn’t necessarily a means to punish them, rather it helped fortify Venetian rule by providing a way for the government to control non-Italian subjects. The Venetian Government viewed the Jewish population as a net-positive because they specialized in skills that offered benefits to the social and economic interests of the city; the Jews provided financial services for Venetian merchants and business owners.

However, conversely, this begs the question: what happens to ethnic minorities in enclaves when they are not viewed favorably by the government? In many cases, ethnic enclaves may not offer a safe-haven to ethnic minorities who don’t conform to the value-normative expectations determined by the majority population. As a result, countless ethnic groups with minority statuses have historically been both excluded from integrated political life and geographically marginalized by the ruling majorities. Racially biased public policies may create multiple economic, political, and social disparities between the civil rights granted to citizens of the state and the human rights outcomes that they experience in everyday life. Questions that we may ask are: How might governments justify their monopoly of power to subject a certain group of people to subpar conditions? Also, how can we in the future provide a framework to prevent such circumstances from happening?

In my ensuing blogs, I hope to answer some of these questions by analyzing contemporary public policy frameworks for ethnic enclaves, as well looking at historical precedents for possible connections. With the Global Human Rights Scholars program, I look forward to uniting my knowledge of public policy and love for history by exploring the topic of ethnic enclaves.

Justin Koga

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Ethnic Enclave Reconfiguration: A ‘new’ Chinatown in the Making | Semantic Scholar

Ethnic Enclave Reconfiguration: A ‘new’ Chinatown in the Making | Semantic Scholar

Skip to search formSkip to main contentSkip to account menuSemantic ScholarSemantic Scholar's LogoSearch 217,149,621 papers from all fields of scienceSearchSign InCreate Free AccountDOI:10.1007/S10708-005-3920-7Corpus ID: 153647364Ethnic Enclave Reconfiguration: A ‘new’ Chinatown in the Making@article{Luk2005EthnicER,

title={Ethnic Enclave Reconfiguration: A ‘new’ Chinatown in the Making},

author={Chiu Luk and Mai B. Phan},

journal={GeoJournal},

year={2005},

volume={64},

pages={17-30},

url={https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:153647364}

}C. Luk, Mai B. PhanPublished 1 September 2005SociologyGeoJournalYears of past research on traditional Chinatowns were based on the assumption that Chinatown is an ethnic enclave for a single ethnic minority, i.e. the Chinese. In recent years, one could observe significant changes over Chinatowns in terms of more Vietnamese presence. Yet, the transition process as an object of study is much under-represented in the literature on ethnic enclaves. Looking at ethnic business transition from Hong Kong to Vietnamese in Toronto’s Chinatown West, this paper argues… ExpandView on SpringerSave to LibrarySaveCreate AlertAlertCiteShare26 CitationsHighly Influential Citations3Background Citations9 Results Citations1View All26 CitationsCitation TypeHas PDFAuthorMore FiltersMore FiltersFiltersSort by RelevanceSort by Most Influenced PapersSort by Citation CountSort by RecencyWho owns Chinatown: Neighbourhood preservation and change in Boston and PhiladelphiaArthur AcolinD. VitielloSociology, Geography2018The survival of Chinatowns and other ethnic enclaves in cities is largely determined by who owns property. Ethnic enclaves such as Chinatowns have traditionally played important economic, social and… Expand16SaveBeyond the Ethnic Enclave: Interethnicity and Trans‐spatiality in an Australian SuburbLinling Gao-MilesSociology2017This ethnographic study investigates a suburban place in metropolitan Melbourne, Australia. It aims to reconsider the spatial formation of ethnic Chinese in a Western immigrant society beyond… Expand20SaveSeeing beyond an ‘ethnic enclave’: the time/space of Manchester ChinatownElena BarabantsevaGeography, Sociology2016Research on Chinatowns stresses the spatial aspects of their production as communal urban spaces. This is particularly evident in the prevailing rhetoric of ethnic ‘enclaves’ that is common in the… Expand232 ExcerptsSaveLiving Globally: Exploring the Need for Foreign Enclaves in ShanghaiP. ChungSociology2014More often than not, the principles of ethnic integration trump segregation in today’s post-modern, cosmopolitan cities. However, in different urban contexts segregation may actually induce economic… Expand11 ExcerptSaveA Note on the Definition of Ethnic EnclaveM. Ul'yanovPolitical Science, SociologyВопросы безопасности2023

The author considers in detail the main approaches to the definition of ethnic enclave and enclavization. Taking into account the degree of elaboration of this problem due to the peculiarities of… ExpandSaveCommodification of Transitioning Ethnic EnclavesKathryn TerzanoSociologyBehavioral sciences2014This literature review examines the changing roles of ethnic enclaves, the question of their authenticity, and their value as commodified spaces, giving special attention to Little Italy… Expand31Highly Influenced[PDF]5 ExcerptsSaveDiversity in Chinese Auckland: Hypothesising Multiple EthnoburbsJing XueW. FriesenD. O'SullivanGeography, Sociology2012In relation to its population, New Zealand has a high rate of immigration, and these immigrants are concentrated in the primate city of Auckland. This study considers the settlement of Chinese… Expand30SaveIncome Differences of Chinese Sub-ethnic Groups in CanadaE. FongPui Kwan ManSociologyPopulation Research and Policy Review2023The study of sub-ethnicity acknowledges that an ethnic group may have diversity despite common cultural roots. It recognizes that historical developments due to colonialism and global labor migration… Expand3 ExcerptsSaveThe Impact of Immigrant Entrepreneurship on City Building: Learning from TorontoZ. ZhuangSociology, Business2020Toronto’s ethnic retail clusters have not only sprouted across the inner city but have also speckled suburban landscapes. Driven by the increasing settlement of contemporary immigrants in the… Expand1SaveImmigrant Entrepreneurship in Hong KongBiyang SunE. FongBusiness, Sociology2020Hong Kong has long been a financial center in Asia and a major global city. Its unique colonial history, its laissez-faire economic policies in the last century, and its booming economic achievements… Expand1Save...123...15 ReferencesCitation TypeHas PDFAuthorMore FiltersMore FiltersFiltersSort by RelevanceSort by Most Influenced PapersSort by Citation CountSort by RecencyChinatown: The Socioeconomic Potential of an Urban EnclaveMin ZhouSociology1992List of Figures List of Tables Foreword Preface Acknowledgments 1. Introduction 2. Memories of Sojourning 3. Changes in Recent Chinese Immigration 4. Uprooted: The New Arrivals 5. The Rise of the… Expand7511 ExcerptSaveNeighborhoods in Transition: The Making of San Francisco's Ethnic and Nonconformist CommunitiesBrian J. GodfreySociology, Geography1988Ethnic and nonconformist communities, despite their frequent proximity, seldom are analyzed as interlocking elements of the metropolitan core. In this comparative study of San Francisco… Expand64SaveRevisiting Ethnic Entrepreneurship: Convergencies, Controversies, and Conceptual Advancements 1Min ZhouBusiness, Sociology2004In the past thirty years, many concepts and theories on ethnic entrepreneurship have been developed, challenged, and revised to provide a fuller account of the phenomenon. This article revisits the… Expand761SaveThe Enclave, the Citadel, and the GhettoP. MarcusePolitical Science, Sociology1997The author defines classic ghetto as the result of the involuntary spatial segregation of a group that stands in a subordinate political and social relationship to its surrounding society, the… Expand4171 ExcerptSaveChinatown, Economic Adaptation And Ethnic Identity of the ChineseBernard P. WongSociology, Economics1982Examines the history, social organization, family life and economic activities of the Chinese in an urban environment, drawing on data gathered in field activities in New York's Chinatown. Emphasizes… Expand70SaveBeyond Miami: The Ethnic Enclave and Personal Income in Various Cuban Communities in the United States 1C. DavisSociology, Economics2004It is frequently noted that Cubans living in Miami are successful because they benefit from the formation of an enclave economy. Using the 1990 Census Public Use Microdata, this study broadens the… Expand15SaveChinatown: Most Time, Hard TimeC. LooSociology, History1991TLDRResearching Ethnic Minority Populations Heartland of Gold: A Historical Overview and the Nature of Community and Desired Residential Mobility Neighborhood Satisfaction.Expand412 ExcerptsSaveSystems theory and the commercial development process : towards an understanding of complex behaviour and changeE. TrevillionEconomics, Business2001Systems theory and the commercial development process: Towards an understanding of complex behaviour and change The thesis examines the hypothesis that the property market, of which the development… Expand16SaveA modern dictionary of geographyJ. SmallM. WitherickGeography, Sociology1986This updated dictionary is designed to provide a guide to, as well as an explanation and illustration of, the principles, concepts and terminology of geography in the 1980s. Covering geology,… Expand71SaveGeneral Systems Theory: Ideas and ApplicationsL. SkyttnerComputer Science, Philosophy2001Part 1 The theories and why: the emergence of holistic thinking basic ideas of general systems theory a selection of systems theories communication and information theory some theories of brain and… Expand151Save...12...Related PapersShowing 1 through 3 of 0 Related Papers26 Citations15 ReferencesRelated PapersStay Connected With Semantic ScholarSign UpWhat Is Semantic Scholar?Semantic Scholar is a free, AI-powered research tool for scientific literature, based at the Allen Institute for AI.Learn MoreAboutAbout UsMeet the TeamPublishersBlog (opens in a new tab)AI2 Careers (opens in a new tab)ProductProduct OverviewSemantic ReaderScholar's HubBeta ProgramRelease NotesAPIAPI OverviewAPI TutorialsAPI Documentation (opens in a new tab)API GalleryResearchPublicationsResearchersResearch CareersPrototypesResourcesHelpFAQLibrariansTutorialsContactProudly built by AI2 (opens in a new tab)Collaborators & Attributions •Terms of Service (opens in a new tab)•Privacy Policy (opens in a new tab)•API License AgreementThe Allen Institute for AI (opens in a new tab)By clicking accept or continuing to use the site, you agree to the terms outlined in our Privacy Policy (opens in a new tab), Terms of Service (opens in a new tab), and Dataset License (opens in a new tab)ACCEPT & CONTINUE

Ethnic Enclaves | Semantic Scholar

Ethnic Enclaves | Semantic Scholar

Skip to search formSkip to main contentSkip to account menuSemantic ScholarSemantic Scholar's LogoSearch 217,149,622 papers from all fields of scienceSearchSign InCreate Free AccountDOI:10.1093/obo/9780199756384-0257Corpus ID: 242564329Ethnic Enclaves@article{EspinozaKulickEthnicE,

title={Ethnic Enclaves},

author={Mario Alberto Viveros Espinoza-Kulick and Maura Fennelly and Kevin Beck},

journal={Sociology},

url={https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:242564329}

}M. Espinoza-Kulick, Maura Fennelly, Kevin BeckPublished in SociologySociologyEthnic enclaves have been defined in numerous ways. The word “ethnic” is often used to refer to a particular group with a shared nationality or cultural background. Enclaves sometimes refer to the concentration of ethnic groups within a geographic area. Academic inquiry of ethnic enclaves began with Kenneth Wilson and Alejandro Portes’s study of the “immigrant enclave” formed by Cubans in Miami, which they define as a concentration of ethnic businesses employing people from the same ethnic… ExpandView via PublisherSave to LibrarySaveCreate AlertAlertCiteShare22 CitationsHighly Influential Citations4Background Citations15 Methods Citations3View All22 CitationsCitation TypeHas PDFAuthorMore FiltersMore FiltersFiltersSort by RelevanceSort by Most Influenced PapersSort by Citation CountSort by RecencyManhattan's Koreatown as a Transclave: The Emergence of a New Ethnic Enclave in a Global CityJinwon KimSociology2018This article critically challenges scholarship on ethnic enclaves, from Chicago School scholars to the ethnic enclave debates of the 1980s and 1990s, and introduces a new type of ethnic enclave in an… Expand12PDFSaveEthnic enclaves and segregation—self-employment and employment patterns among forced migrantsJohan KlaessonÖzge ÖnerSociologySmall Business Economics2020The relevance of residential segregation and ethnic enclaves for labor market sorting of immigrants has been investigated by a large body of literature. Previous literature presents competing… Expand3Highly InfluencedPDF4 ExcerptsSaveEthnic enclaves and segregation—self-employment and employment patterns among forced migrantsJohan KlaessonÖzge ÖnerSociologySmall Business Economics2020The relevance of residential segregation and ethnic enclaves for labor market sorting of immigrants has been investigated by a large body of literature. Previous literature presents competing… Expand22Highly InfluencedPDF4 ExcerptsSaveEthnic enclaves and self-employment among Middle Eastern immigrants in Sweden: ethnic capital or enclave size?M. AnderssonJohan P. LarssonÖzge ÖnerSociology2020ABSTRACT We employ geocoded data to explore the effects of ethnic enclaves in Swedish cities on the propensity of Middle Eastern immigrants to transcend from having no employment to self-employment.… Expand7PDF1 ExcerptSaveCCIS THE CENTER FOR COMPARATIVE IMMIGRATION STUDIES Beyond Ethnic Entrepreneurship : Ethnicity and the Economy in EnterpriseZulema ValdezBusiness, Economics200220SaveThe structure and growth of ethnic neighborhoodsTianran DaiNathan SchiffSociology, GeographyJournal of Urban Economics2023PDF3 ExcerptsSavePlace of Origin and Labour Market Outcomes Among Migrant Workers in Urban ChinaChunni ZhangYu XieSociology, EconomicsUrban studies2013TLDRIt is argued that localistic economic enclaves may improve the labour force outcomes of rural-to-urban migrants, and results provide limited support for the hypothesis: localistic enclaves enable migrant workers to earn higher earnings overall, but the earnings returns to human capital in an enclave are limited.Expand30PDFSaveEconomic Integration and Migrant Networks: The Case of Ukrainian Migrants in the Warsaw AgglomerationW. MaruszewskiP. KaczmarczykEconomics, Sociology2020Abstract In the past years, Poland has been not only a country of (mass) immigration but also a country where foreigners have begun to play a much larger role in the domestic labour market than ever… Expand2PDFSaveEthnic economies in the age of retail chains: comparing the presence of chain-affiliated and independently owned ethnic restaurants in ethnic neighbourhoodsMahesh SomashekharSociology, Business2019ABSTRACT Many entrepreneurs in ethnic economies start out by serving fellow community members in their local ethnic neighbourhood. Large corporations, however, are creating retail chains that target… Expand9PDF2 ExcerptsSaveDynamics of Occupational Status among Koreans in Japan: Analyzing Census Data between 1980 and 2010Naoto HiguchiSociology2016It has been widely claimed that the only way Koreans in Japan were able to make a living in Japan was to establish their own businesses because of the inherent employment discrimination within… Expand4PDFSave...123...Related PapersShowing 1 through 3 of 0 Related Papers22 CitationsRelated PapersStay Connected With Semantic ScholarSign UpWhat Is Semantic Scholar?Semantic Scholar is a free, AI-powered research tool for scientific literature, based at the Allen Institute for AI.Learn MoreAboutAbout UsMeet the TeamPublishersBlog (opens in a new tab)AI2 Careers (opens in a new tab)ProductProduct OverviewSemantic ReaderScholar's HubBeta ProgramRelease NotesAPIAPI OverviewAPI TutorialsAPI Documentation (opens in a new tab)API GalleryResearchPublicationsResearchersResearch CareersPrototypesResourcesHelpFAQLibrariansTutorialsContactProudly built by AI2 (opens in a new tab)Collaborators & Attributions •Terms of Service (opens in a new tab)•Privacy Policy (opens in a new tab)•API License AgreementThe Allen Institute for AI (opens in a new tab)By clicking accept or continuing to use the site, you agree to the terms outlined in our Privacy Policy (opens in a new tab), Terms of Service (opens in a new tab), and Dataset License (opens in a new tab)ACCEPT & CONTINUEor Only Accept Required